This study focuses on the organizational and knowledge production and dissemination practices developed by Rede Milho, a multi-site collective action initiative developed within the scope of the network Projeto Tecnologias Alternativas (Rede PTA). Between 1990 and 1993, Rede Milho's actions aimed at the recovery, evaluation, breeding, and conservation of different types of corn (Zea mays) mobilized between 1990 and 1993, a heterogeneous group of actors in the South and Southeast regions of Brazil, involving communities of small farmers, rural workers' unions, local producer associations, technicians linked to non-governmental organizations (NGOs) for development and technical assistance, and researchers working on public research institutions. In this dissertation, Rede Milho is analyzed based on a critical dialogue established between two distinct approaches, namely, the Multilevel Perspective and the Theory of Practices, seeking to understand the Network simultaneously as a space for the production of novelties, in permanent tension with the dominant sociotechnical regime, and, at the same time, as a community of practices organized around shared values and principles. The analytical framework developed seeks to highlight both the importance of systemic phenomena that marked this historical period, with emphasis on the country's democratization process itself, and the challenges involved in creating a collective action mechanism capable of coordinating practices for the recovery of local corn varieties and the creation of an evaluation trial of these varieties to be carried out in a decentralized and networked manner, the National Creole Corn Trial (ENMC). This qualitative study is based on literature review, documentary analysis, and a series of 21 semi-structured interviews with key actors linked to the Corn Network. The research seeks to shed light on how social movements, scientific activity, and social practices contributed to the existence of this articulation, which belongs to an important period in the history of the Brazilian agroecological movement.

The dissertation researches the creation and implementation of the ICMS-Ecológico (Ecological ICMS) in the state of Rio de Janeiro, with data from 2012 to 2023. It discusses how the state acted and acts in encouraging and supporting municipal secretariats in the search for structuring local environmental policies and training for participation in the transfer of funds. The investigation included a survey and analysis of documents related to the legislative production on the ICMS-Ecológico, research in periodicals in search of news about the ICMS-Ecológico, interviews, and analysis of data obtained through direct contact with the State Secretariat for the Environment and Sustainability (SEAS) regarding municipal revenue collection from the 92 municipalities in Rio de Janeiro from the ecological ICMS between 2012 and 2023. The analysis of this data allowed for a comparison of municipal revenues, investigating hypotheses about the development of municipal environmental management after the implementation of the ecological ICMS. The research concludes that the Ecological ICMS encouraged environmental policies, helping to advance the agenda in the state of Rio de Janeiro, but that there is still significant disparity between the state capacities of municipalities in Rio de Janeiro and, consequently, in their revenues.

The present research aims to analyze the management of power generation projects included in the Growth Acceleration Program (PAC) between 2007 and 2018, to verify how and to what extent the program incorporated the agendas of affected populations. The study of the development theories of core countries and their incorporation in Brazil, in relation to the role of infrastructure in capital accumulation. As a reaction to classical theories, Latin American structuralism became the basis for the strands of new developmentalism, which disputed the economic policy of the Workers' Party (PT) governments. Based on the mapping of the program's evolution, focusing on the fractions of capital present, it is pointed out that the PAC resumed public investment and planning, enablers of economic growth and externalities in the industry. The credit, fiscal, and regulatory regimes consolidated themselves as risk mitigators for financial capital, a result of the maintenance of fiscal austerity, high interest rates, and the consequent productive specialization in the primary-extractive sectors. A dynamic that aimed at growth based on traditional comparative advantages, but in a "neoliberal" context, that is, of the hegemony of interest-bearing capital. Power generation, formerly a monopoly of state-owned enterprises, becomes, at the same time, a financial asset and an input for electro-intensive mineral extraction. The hegemony dispute surrounding the development project was analyzed based on the demands of affected populations facing the expansion and diversification of the electricity matrix. The Federal Government, the National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES), and companies face local conflicts, while the Movement of People Affected by Dams (MAB) articulates agendas at the national level, as counter-hegemonic forces. It is concluded that the incorporation of the demands of the affected populations strained the efficiency logic in the implementation of Large Investment Projects (GPIs), while the lexicon of risk reduction, even if present in guidelines and norms, still conceals historical demands for full reparation for affected populations.

Emerging as a development of the working-class organization, Solidarity Economy presents itself as a new way of insertion into the capitalist labor market, establishing labor relations aimed at promoting workers’ emancipation. The project seeks to assess, based on the concepts of redistribution and recognition, whether this premise is still feasible today, especially for women. We will explore how this particular form of work organization presents itself to women both inside and outside the incubation of the collective to be studied. In order to discuss whether the Solidarity Economy translates into more egalitarian labor relations, with a material and symbolic appreciation of the skills, cultural values and expectations of these women, we will examine the relationship between the university and the collective in its incubation activities; investigate the women's labor trajectory and gauge their self-images before and after their participation in the collective, as well as the community's perception of their work. Due to the complexity of using the concepts of redistribution and recognition as analytical criteria, the case study will be conducted through ethnography and semi-structured interviews. Thus, the study is expected to provide new perspectives on women's work within the context of the Solidarity Economy.

This dissertation analyzes the construction of popular sovereignty and food sovereignty in Haiti based on the actions of peasants and community practices of social reproduction. The objective is to understand how these initiatives are historically articulated with forms of resistance to colonialism, external interventions, and imperialist policies that have affected Haitian agriculture. The research was developed through bibliographic review, and interviews with members of peasant movements in the country. The results indicate that solidarity, which has guided these practices since the colonial period, remains present in contemporary times and that, despite the current crisis marked by violence and the weakening of the state, peasant communities maintain practices based on agroecology, the valorization of ancestral knowledge, the centrality of women, and elements related to culture and cosmology. It is concluded that these experiences constitute concrete forms of popular sovereignty, capable of challenging externally imposed models and affirming alternatives built from territory, culture, and collective action.

This research aims to conduct a sociological analysis of the phenomenon of scalping of women
in riverside communities in the state of Pará, emphasizing a gender perspective. This type of
accident predominantly affects women and girls in the Amazon region, with a higher incidence
in the states of Pará, Amapá, and Amazonas. Scalping occurs when long hair becomes entangled
in the shafts of unprotected motors during river transport in small boats. The study focuses on
the social impacts experienced by survivors, as well as the collective mobilization they have
triggered in Pará and the effects of this mobilization on the formulation of public policies aimed
at women victimized by the accident.

This project focuses on the recent historical period, from the mid-2000s to the present, in which land appropriations have significantly expanded across the globe and when a series of changes in land legal frameworks began. , financial and environmental. Despite this, it will be necessary to go back to the final decades of the last century to understand the commodification of land in Brazil and the relationship between finance capital and agriculture.

This research addresses the Cururupu Marine Extractive Reserve, located in Maranhão, and is situated within an analysis of Protected Areas as socio-natural and historical constructs, characterized by their instability and permanent transformation, in contrast to normative approaches that tend to conceive them as predefined institutional arrangements. To this end, it draws on the ethnographic method combined with a processual perspective, focusing on the dynamics, tensions, and negotiations observed in co-management spaces. The creation of the Reserve was strongly influenced by forces and demands external to the constituent communities, in contrast to the formation trajectories of the first protected areas of this kind in the country. This dynamic directly affected the co-management arrangements and the forms of political participation and representation built over its trajectory. The research also examines the effects of the climate crisis on daily life, on the maritory, and on the forms of use and occupation by resident communities. Coastal erosion has caused displacement, loss of inhabited areas, and the disappearance of entire communities, without adequate legal recognition of the resulting impacts. In parallel, the extensive mangrove areas have been reframed as new frontiers for the financialization of nature through negotiations related to blue carbon generation, perceived by different actors as an alternative to address the recurrent and historical scarcity of public funds allocated to the Reserve. The analysis showed that, faced with the advance of the sea, the limitations of state action, and new disputes over the uses and meanings of nature, community leaders and their supporters carry out collective processes oriented by the continuous pursuit of community autonomy. Organized through the Association of Residents of the Cururupu Marine Extractive Reserve (AMREMC) and the Network of Coastal Women of the Cururupu Reserve (REMPREX), these mobilizations and forms of socio-environmental participation contest bureaucratic tutelage and claim autonomy as a condition for the permanence and reproduction of life in the maritory.

This PhD dissertation analyzes the constitution of the nexus between finance, land, and natural resources in contemporary Brazil, focusing on the processes of land financialization, the transformation of landed property into financial assets, and the reconfiguration of territorial control. Drawing on an interdisciplinary approach grounded in Political Economy, Rural and Economic Sociology, and the Social Studies of Finance, the research investigates the emergence of a new asset class accompanied by a new class of actors, the expansion of capital markets into agriculture, and the growing centrality of land as an asset class.

Methodologically, the research combines documentary analysis of regulatory frameworks, corporate and institutional reports, as well as the systematization and analysis of secondary data related to land markets, rural credit, financial investments, and territorial control.

The findings demonstrate that land financialization in Brazil unfolds through a simultaneous process of commodification, land concentration, and internationalization, deepening historical inequalities embedded in the country's agrarian structure. The dissertation shows that the securitization of agribusiness, the creation of new financial instruments, the growing role of institutional investors, the expansion of environmental asset markets, and regulatory transformations contribute to consolidating land and natural resources as sources of future financial returns.

It is argued that this dynamic is supported by a threefold framework consisting of the commodification of land and nature, sustainability imperatives as mechanisms of economic legitimation, and the digitalization of territorial governance through monitoring, tracking, and data-production technologies. Finally, the research contends that the advance of land financialization is closely intertwined with the reproduction of historical agrarian and racial inequalities, highlighting the need to incorporate the relationship between the agrarian question, racialization, and finance as a strategic agenda for future research.

This thesis investigates, from a pragmatic perspective, the different ways in which conflicts and practices related to land use in the Oceanic Region of Niterói, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, are currently shaped by discourses, controversies, and modes of valuation associated with the so-called "environmental issue" in its various forms of construction as a public problem. The theoretical framework is primarily informed by the work of anthropologist José Sérgio Leite Lopes on the environmentalization of social conflicts. It also engages with contributions from pragmatic sociology concerning environmental valuation, examining both its relationship to different modes of practical engagement and coordination among different agents and materialities, as well as the construction and legitimation of public grammars of valuation that invoke environmental concerns in different ways. The empirical focus of the study is the Oceanic Region of the municipality of Niterói, in the state of Rio de Janeiro. Since the 1970s, this area has undergone an intensification of urbanization, accompanied by the emergence of numerous land-use conflicts. The establishment of the Serra da Tiririca State Park (Parque Estadual da Serra da Tiririca – PESET) represents a significant milestone in the environmentalization of these conflicts. The research adopts an ethnographic approach, combining participant observation, document analysis, literature review, and semi-structured interviews with relevant social and political actors. Land-use conflicts in the region were initially examined through an ethnographic investigation of the public consultation process concerning the revision of Niterói's Urban Planning Law, conducted between 2023 and 2024. This first phase of fieldwork subsequently led to an in-depth analysis of two problematic situations located in the neighborhoods of Camboinhas and Engenho do Mato. The first concerns conflicts surrounding the protection of an archaeological site (a sambaqui, or shell mound) threatened by an urban development project aimed at high-income residents. The second examines the trajectory of a family simultaneously affected by land-use transformations resulting from urban expansion and the establishment of PESET. The findings reveal a plurality of forms of environmental valuation and qualification that permeate ongoing land-use conflicts in the Oceanic Region, including: (i) the environment as a financial asset to be incorporated into the real estate market; (ii) the environment as a public good to be protected through state policies; (iii) the environment as a vital space essential to the production and reproduction of sustainable ways of life; and (iv) the environment as the common heritage of humanity, as exemplified by archaeological sites. These different forms of environmental valuation emerge within conflict configurations characterized by significant dynamism and power asymmetries. Under such conditions, the claims of socially marginalized groups to land rights are not always successfully legitimized through the public language of environmental valuation.

The following thesis objective is to investigate the process of militarization as explicited during the Bolsonaro government (2019-2022) by framing this phenomenon in its environmental and agrarian dimensions and its expressions in the Amazon region from two of its most evident manifestations: the military occupation of public institutions and the Law and Order Guarantee Operations occurred in that period. Based upon literary review, the first two chapters describe the trajectory of political-military action in the country and, subsequently, its specificities in the Amazon throughout the 20th and 21st centuries, in a way that characterizes patterns, continuities and ruptures. In the following chapters we deepen our findings from fieldwork and interviews: Chapter 3 is dedicated to analyzing the militarization in the “bureaucratic centrality” of State organs and agencies related to territorial, environmental, agrarian and indigenist management and the effects, implications and orientations foist upon these instances due to the deployment of military personnel, contrating those findings with the academical literature on the topic. In Chapter 4, the analysis shifts to a regional and local scale concerning the Law and Order Guarantee Operations for environmental purposes, with a focus on the southern region of the Amazonas state. Through these procedures, the thesis contributes to a reflection on: (i) the distance between civilian and academic perceptions and the categories and those that inform military action; (ii) the “civilian-military” relations in the Amazon and its interaction with the expansion of agroextractivist frontiers in the region; (iii) how the dispute for the meanings of the environmental issue is increasingly traversed by military interpretations, which oscillates between denunciation and alignment with business and financial sectors – tendencies that were intensified during the Bolsonaro government –, ultimately in an effort to broaden the scope of political-military action and territorial control

This dissertation is an ethnography of the construction of voids as an ontological device used by members of the Parliamentary Front for Agribusiness (FPA) in the Brazilian Federal Congress, popularly known as the Ruralist Caucus, in an attempt to destroy the legal framework that establishes indigenous territorial rights in Brazil. The notion of the construction of voids is based on the thesis of demographic emptiness (wilderness) – a colonial tool that has historically legitimized the appropriation of indigenous territories by making their people invisible or dehumanized – in order to propose its updating through both the ethnic-racial erasure of indigenous peoples via de-indigenization processes and the utilitarian emptying of the meaning of their territories which do not correspond to the productivist standards of agribusiness. The theoretical framework of the research is rooted in anthropological theory, counter-anthropology, and postcolonial critical race theory, particularly in the works of indigenous and black thinkers who criticize modernity, the civilizing linearity of its historicity, and its production of subjectivities based on ethical figures created by and for white individuals, as a universalizing project that devours the ontologies of racialized peoples through processes of racial subjugation. This framework highlights the centrality of Racial and Colonial factors to the operation in Capital today, and particularly to the performance of agribusiness, through the permanence of the plantation both as a productive system and as a cognitive model. Agribusiness is understood as a nucleus that unites different sectors around the common agenda of the plantation, mainly the defense and absolutization of private land ownership, and guides the legislative activity of the FPA. It is also analyzed as a byproduct of modernity that also aims to project its universality onto racialized peoples, particularly traditional peoples and communities of Brazil, in order to dispute their territorialities and conquer the white capture of their territories. To this end, it is investigated how the commitment of the “farmer/producer” figure, as a transparent and universalizing self of the political synecdoche of “agribusiness is everything”, assimilates counterplantation identities and agricultural practices. This movement is understood as a strategy based on white anxiety and a growing refusal of modernity, materialized in the demographic growth of traditional peoples and communities through identity and territorial recaptures. The dissertation weaves together a broad bibliographic review with records and data collected in archival research at the Digital Newspaper Library of the National Library, the National Archive, the FPA Agency and records of parliamentary meetings; with a survey of legislative proposals on indigenous lands by members of the FPA between the 56th and 57th legislatures; in addition to data from fieldwork carried out in the National Congress and on the BR-163 highway, in order to identify the construction of voids as the basis of the agro-conception of territory.

MATOPIBA is a territorial delimitation that comprises part of the states of Maranhão, Tocantins, Piauí and Bahia and was created to serve the interests of Brazilian agribusiness and foreign capital. In this region, as a result of the increase in global investment in land in the 21st century, there has been a growth in the process of foreignization of land, which, accompanied by a series of socio-environmental violences, has led to the de-territorialization of traditional peoples and communities. Given this context, my aim - by discussing foreignization and analyzing the extent to which this process has influenced the de-territorialization of peoples and their experiences - is to understand what the implications of the process of foreignization of land are for the agricultural knowledge of traditional peoples and communities in MATOPIBA. To this end, as well as carrying out a literature review, I produced maps of the zones of tension between foreign lands and traditional territories and interviewed various leaders of traditional peoples and communities in the states of Piauí and Maranhão.

This study investigated how the advancement of the green hydrogen–offshore wind power
system in Brazil reveals the underlying contradictions of the energy transition as currently
proposed by international capital. To that end, an analysis was conducted of the balance of
forces shaping this process, based on a literature review in the following areas: i) imperialism
and the crisis of capital; ii) energy transition; and iii) energy geopolitics. Additionally,
document analysis was carried out using reports, opinions, and legislation from: i) the legal
and regulatory framework of the European Union and Germany; ii) Brazilian government
bodies and agencies – such as IBAMA, BNDES, Ministry of the Environment, Ministry of
Mines and Energy, Ministry of Finance, and the National Congress; iii) Brazilian
associations, research centers, observatories, and institutes related to the sector; and iv)
international organizations and foreign government agencies. The specific objectives of the
research were: i) to explore the connections between the foundations of social metabolism and
capital-imperialism, linking them to the demands of international capital in its moment of
endogenous crisis, and to understand the role of the 21st-century energy transition in this
context; ii) to analyze the interests of the European Union, particularly Germany, in
promoting the energy transition and consolidating the green hydrogen–offshore wind power
system as a mechanism of global power projection; and iii) to assess the contradictions and
disputes surrounding the implementation of this system in Brazil, identifying the main arenas
of dispute, the actors involved, and the balance of forces in this context. Among the main
findings, we highlight: i) the link between the hegemonic energy transition project and the
need for capital to recover from its endogenous crisis; ii) the central role of the green
hydrogen–offshore wind power system promoted by the European Union and Germany in the
internationalization of the “Decarbonization Consensus”; iii) the uncritical adherence of the
Brazilian federal government to the hegemonic energy transition agenda, replacing the
construction of a democratic and popular debate; and iv) the need to demarcate the territories
of traditional fishing communities in Brazil.

This study focuses on the relationship between the growing interest of investment funds in land and commodity production and the productive restructuring of the Brazilian forestry sector. It is situated within the context of the expansion of Brazilian agribusiness and agroindustry, in connection with the debate on the appropriation of land and natural resources in the country by foreign actors. The research assumes that the raw materials of the forestry sector are embedded in the bioeconomy due to their multiple and flexible uses, which makes them highly attractive to investors. The production of flex crops grants mobility to the capital invested in land, since the goods generated from this type of cultivation are capable of reaching alternative markets, counteracting the low liquidity typically associated with land investments. We discuss the participation of companies known as Timber Investment Management Organizations (TIMOs), whose role is to identify, analyze, acquire, and manage forest assets that best meet the needs of their clients—pension funds, endowments, public pension systems, and high–net worth individuals. We seek to understand the new dynamics of capitalism in rural areas in the context of an increasingly financialized economy. In this sense, the research examines the appropriation of nature by financial capital and by large corporations through the production of tree monocultures, and contributes to understanding how the relationship between territory and financial capital constitutes a project of spatial reconfiguration driven by the dynamics of globalized capital, with investment funds, especially TIMOs, acting as key agents in territorial appropriation and in the reconfiguration of land use and production. To this end, we draw upon theoretical approaches on land appropriation processes, the financialization of rural spaces, and the formation of the Brazilian forestry sector, along with the collection of secondary statistical data.

Aldeia Maraka'nà is the stage for an intense dispute between the state and indigenous people over land ownership. This work investigates issues related to autonomy in the context of the Aldeia, understanding it as a process of reclaiming territory, identity, culture, and history that (re)shapes itself based on the ethnicity and ethnic self-identification of its occupants.

This work aims to analyze and understand the formative processes of the initial Rural Education Teaching Degree programs held in Southwest Paraná, specifically "Pedagogy of the Land" and "Rural Education Teaching Degree" (2004-2015). The objective is to investigate to what extent the matrices that guided the pedagogical work could contribute to the advancement of counter-hegemonic consciousness among the graduates of these programs. The research is based on qualitative assumptions, employing semi-structured interviews with graduates of these programs and documentary analysis. It also utilizes sociogenesis to weave the socio-historical and political context of Southwest Paraná and the trajectory of Rural Education involving the programs and Rural Education itself. The study addresses central issues: the model of development in dispute in the Brazilian rural environment linked to the Rural Education debate; hegemony/counter-hegemony; human formation; education as a totality; and the formative matrices of the Rural Education Teaching Degree programs. These categories will be analyzed based on authors such as Thompson, Caldart, Gramsci, Molina, among others, who constituted the theoretical framework used to establish a dialogue with the research data. Regarding possibilities, the study highlights potential paths for organizing contextualized, critical teaching committed to individuals and counter-hegemonic processes, strengthening pedagogical tools for the Rural Education Teaching Degree programs, engaging in the political struggles of their time, and through this involvement, advancing as educators and assisting in the construction of a knowledge of resistance and emancipatory social production.

This study analyzed the strategies developed by the women of the Centro de Integração da Serra da Misericórdia (CEM) in constructing food sovereignty amid the ethnic-racial and gender injustices experienced in the Terra Prometida favela, located in the Complexo da Penha (Rio de Janeiro). Through field research, it aimed to understand the issues and strategies mobilized by this collective, interpreted here as efforts to ensure access to “real food” and to build sovereignty as an instrument capable of contesting multiple injustices. In a territory marked by the presence of drug trafficking, militia groups, mining activities, institutional violence, and the collective desire to “green” the area through Favela-Based Agroecological Urban Agriculture, among other intertwined challenges, the analysis focused on how notions of sovereignty and justice are mobilized and enacted in the daily practices of Black women who seek to live, plant, and harvest within the favela. The research followed these women as they appropriated such notions as inseparable principles- naming injustices and empowering their actions both within and beyond their territory. It discusses how popular experiences of solidarity-based food distribution, as in the case of CEM, can be understood as concrete expressions of food justice promotion, as they demand not only physical and economic access to food, but also rights and autonomy beyond planting. Here, these practices are translated as “food sovereignty beyond planting” and “justice in harvesting and eating.” This conception expands the analytical scope of these notions through an antiracist and antisexist lens of justice, incorporating the political emancipation of Black women from the favela. Inspired by intersectional and crossroads epistemologies that shape community dynamics and by the protagonism of these women in particular, these experiences are shown to destabilize the productivist and market-oriented rationality sustaining the dominant food system. They resonate with the redistribution-recognition perspective, aiming to abolish or at least mitigate arbitrary inequalities -so that different social groups may have equitable access to real food and live with dignity. Simultaneously, these practices strengthen collective capacities for decision-making and action around food. Ultimately, the exceptional experiences of the Mulheres em Ação collective at CEM are understood here as strategies of justice enacted through shared práxis - realized in the construction of community and affective food networks, autonomous management of backyards and gardens, solidarity kitchen, and the Popular School of Agroecology. Thus, their practices are not merely emergency responses to hunger but rather trenches of resistance and re-signification, transforming a territory marked by violence into one of good living (bem viver). Through the pursuit of “food free from violence,” these women challenge both organized crime and the State - as well as Agroecology itself and public policies- inviting us to rethink how the human right to food can be guaranteed through the lenses of racial, gender, and territorial justice.

This research aimed to understand the logic of territorial construction and relationship with nature present in two types of organizations and networks that are found in the Barra do Turvo region, in Vale do Ribeira, São Paulo: the Agroecological Network of Women Farmers of Barra do Turvo (RAMA) and environmental agencies from the State of São Paulo that work together with a third sector organization, the Green Initiative. To do this, it was based on participant observation of RAMA's collective spaces, interviews with RAMA farmers and environmental policy agents in the region and documentary research. It was found that there are different logics - ecological, economic and social - at play in the construction of territories in this location. However, these logics sometimes overlap and influence each other. This argument is demonstrated mainly through the analysis of the participation of a RAMA sector in Green Economy projects in the region. It was also observed that RAMA has its own form of territorial construction based on the construction of the Common that is fundamentally based on agroecological activities, which has, to some extent, transformed the social gender relations in which they are inserted.

Abstract: This work aims to analyze the identity processes of peasant masculinities based on the roles attributed to the men who make up the Landless LGBTI+ Collective of the Landless Workers Movement (MST). With the aim of understanding how the construction of these hegemonic male identity processes, based on the experiences of these dissident bodies, can contribute to reinforcing a restrictive and exclusionary bias of plural identities in the field. Through the reproduction of cisnormative male and female performances solely and exclusively when the bodily and identity diversities of these individuals are not taken into account. In this way, from the perspective of gender binarism, where approaching femininity traits implies the devaluation of masculine identity for men and reverberates processes of delegitimization, invisibility and marginalization of these dissident bodies of peasant origin. Through semi-structured interviews and analysis of MST documents, we will seek to understand how men who perceive themselves as having identities different from the pre-established gender standard are part of these processes of (re)production of masculinities in historically and contextually dichotomous, sexist and patriarchal spaces. In this way, studies of gender, feminism and sexual diversity enable us to discuss the masculinities and pluralities of being a man and think about how gender violence and its conditions for marginalization, subalternity and exclusion are evidenced by the departure from the predetermined gender standard, where being feminine and/or effeminate is associated, throughout history, with passivity, docility, submission and not being a real man, denoting a character of denial of the masculine virile identity and distancing from the ideal of being a man due to the predominance of traits and cisheteronormative standards present in the social environment.

Hunger continues to be a source of concern for millions of individuals in the 20th century.
XXI. Historical problem and still not overcome by humanity relegates entire families to
live on the brink of catastrophe. In this dissertation, we will deepen and carry out a
bibliographic review of three important works by the great national author and also of
international relevance to address the theme: Josué de Castro.
Josué de Castro, a pioneering author on hunger in Brazil and of great worldwide prominence
his main contribution to the subject being the construction of a social theory of hunger. A
analysis of the phenomenon as an eminently social fact was revolutionary for its time and
distances the theories in vogue at the time that still, predominantly, understood hunger as
a phenomenon of natural cause.
Starting, therefore, from the writings of Josué de Castro in: Geografia da fome (1946),
Geopolitics of hunger (1957) and Six feet of earth and a coffin (1967) and using
basic concepts, we seek to understand how hunger, the object of Josué's studies,
relates to imperialism and international influences on public policies and
land management in peripheral countries, specifically Brazil.
Based on a multidisciplinary and systematic approach to hunger, we found
that the international and its dynamics are themes visited by the author throughout all his
construction. The issue of hunger as a phenomenon with explanations that go beyond borders
national and anchored in international inequalities converges the theory of Josué de Castro and
Marxist theories of imperialism going beyond the natural question and basing their
persistence in the dynamics between national states.
Colonialism and imperialism are factors directly listed by Josué as
responsible for the mechanics of hunger in the outskirts of capitalism, we will relate the
concepts addressed by the author and also seek to understand the role that the international
exercise in the reproduction of hunger. Based on the classic concepts of Josué de Castro about
hunger and performing a critical reading of his works in the light of Marxist theories of
imperialism, we will make a bibliographic review of his books and deepen the theme
international scene, notably the phenomenon of imperialism, present in his works and still
Poorly explored.

This dissertation is based on the author's fieldwork and life experience in the coffee-growing area of Trujillo, Valle del Cauca, Colombia. It meditates on the lives of people who, at some point in time and in specific classification circuits, are named as persons with disabilities. The dissertation aims to mobilize the concepts of navigation and embodiment to understand the lived experience of peasants and their families who embrace disability in this community. It argues that disability not only affects an individual and isolates him or her but serves as an amalgam that unites family members and neighbours. As the author of this paper is himself one of the research subjects, it also seeks to reflect on the notion of autoethnography and the presence of the other interlocutors as co-producers of the dissertation. Through photography, archival images and the "photographic self-portrait", the "performance" of disability and its potential to explore other meanings and uses of rurality, objects, houses, the organization of spaces and the sociability of bodies with disabilities in Rural Landscapes is addressed.

This research seeks to bring centrality to the healing practices of faith healers in Serra dos Paus Dóias, in the municipality of Exu/PE. Our objective is to understand the healing practices of faith healers as a way of caring. The ways of caring for these women involve benzos, teas, licking, bush medicine, exchanges of energy and affection, but can also have a disruptive character. To this end, we analyzed their care practices through healing, seeking to understand the meaning of care and nature for the faith healers. It is proposed that the ways of caring for faith healers involve a web of relationality that provides an environment of trust, attentive and welcoming listening. In the context of healers, healing as a way of caring goes beyond the benzo itself, it is conviviality and sociability, it involves affection, trust, self-care and collective care.

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In recent years, both in Brazil and around the world, there has been an increase in hunger and food insecurity, which has been particularly aggravated by the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020 and, in the case of countries like Brazil, by the deregulations of right-wing governments. Amid this scenario, Brazilian agribusiness, which continues to accumulate export and revenue records, places itself in charge of “feeding the world” and guaranteeing “global food security”, in a dis-course that resembles the international construction of the concept and the debates around the need for countries to develop, associating food security with economic growth and global agri-cultural trade. Faced with this contradiction, between an agribusiness with successive export and revenue records and ever-decreasing levels of food security in Brazil, the aim of this research is to analyze how Brazilian agribusiness constructs its food narrative, based on the concept of global food security, as a way of legitimizing its political actions and reinforcing its importance to the country. The specific objectives are: to analyze the construction of the concept at the international level, based on its association with the debate on development, and its national inser-tion; to understand the context and the ways in which food security was mobilized by Brazilian agribusiness when the sector was first established; and to analyze how food security is currently mobilized by agribusiness, based on its use by the Brazilian Agribusiness Association (ABAG). To achieve these objectives, it was first carried out a literature review on the concepts of agribusiness and food security. Then, as a case study, ABAG was selected. Created in 1993, ABAG was the first intersectoral agribusiness association in the country and was responsible for beginning to build a rhetoric of legitimacy for the sector. At this time, food security began to be mobilized, with the launch, also in 1993, of the book "Food Security: an agribusiness ap-proach", which listed food security as the main social responsibility of agribusiness. The focus of the analysis undertaken was the mobilization of food security at the Brazilian Agribusiness Congress (CBA), an event created in 2002 and promoted annually by ABAG, understood as a space for consolidating and disseminating the sector's discourse. We analyzed the full content of the 21st edition of the CBA, available on ABAG's YouTube channel. Held in 2022, the event took place in a context of increasing food insecurity in Brazil and around the world and in a year of significant elections for the country, in which the debate on hunger was in the spotlight. In-terviews were also conducted with the president of ABAG and two members of the Peasant Women's Movement (MMC). The results of the analysis conclude that Brazilian agribusiness mobilizes food security from a global perspective as a way of legitimizing and garnering politi-cal support for its demands. Focusing on the dimension of production to guarantee food securi-ty, the sector reinforces the need to increase Brazilian agricultural production to feed a growing world population, highlighting the importance of Brazilian trade and exports. In a context of criticism over the increase in deforestation in Brazil under the government of Jair Bolsonaro (2019-2022) and restrictions on the country's exports, mainly by the European Union, the sector mobilizes food security to justify the need to open new markets for Brazilian agribusiness and the importance of the sector in guaranteeing global well-being. The debate on access to food, although recognized, is disconnected from the sector, being listed as a responsibility of govern-ments, through public policies to generate income and employment. Agribusiness therefore recognizes the problem of food insecurity but mobilizes it in such a way as to list the sector as responsible for its solution, disassociating itself from its causes.

This study analyzes Technical Assistance and Rural Extension (ATER) for a group of family coffee farmers in the municipality of Piatã, in the Chapada Diamantina region of Bahia. ATER is an important tool for fostering family farming, and this research looked at the scope of the service for farmers who produce specialty coffee, with access made possible through two private entities: SENAR and SEBRAE. Public policy does not currently reach the municipality, so actions are directed primarily at coffee production, through these entities. Family farmers from other sectors do not receive ATER at the moment.  Therefore, this dissertation analyzed the effectiveness and reach of ATER among this group based on bibliographical and documentary research, as well as interviews with farmers and the two technicians working in the municipality, in order to understand the demands and orientation of the service provided.

This study aims to identify the individual and collective decision-making processes related to the trajectories of family farmers from the association of small producers of the Benedito Alves Bandeira Settlement (APRABAB). Most of the farmers are from the municipality of Bujaru and are organized in collective groups that originate from the municipality's base ecclesial communities. The reconstruction of memories and events in the settlement demonstrates connections with educational institutions and support for agroecology, and since mid-2002, they have been a key part of changing socio-productive development perspectives. The reconstruction of the trajectories shows us that the transition processes to ecological practices and the construction of agroforestry systems were a challenge in establishing the productive perspectives of the settlers. The arrival of the PROSAF project (Forest Restoration Project through Agroforestry Systems) with the demonstration of agroforestry system models mobilized perspectives and influenced productive modes among the associates. The strong presence of collective organizations was a crucial part of the decision-making processes established in the environment of each family unit. The strong history of resistance, struggle and engagement in the fight for social justice marks points of reference for the social agents and leaders of the settlement and in decision-making regarding productive perspectives. The establishment of meetings in collective spaces, collective construction of agroforestry systems, as well as the strong resistance to the technological advance of oil palm, were common points in the various trajectories and life stories reported among the settlers. The collective and individual organization of each individual represents the diverse possibilities for resilient searches for productive strategies in the face of the ecological management autonomy of the productive systems and the biocultural memory of traditional communities. 

Faced with the rapid environmental transformations associated with the Anthropocene, the decline of pollinators emerges as a warning sign about the ecological conditions of the present. With the biological simplification and standardization of landscapes, pollination has increasingly become an economic activity, that is, a service that must be organized and offered by humans and mediated by the market.  In this process, bees are incorporated into market arrangements aimed at providing assisted pollination services.  Hives are transported and installed in agricultural areas, sometimes traveling long distances, in order to meet the pollination demands linked, above all, to large corporate monocultures. Establishing assisted pollination as a mediating element in the relationship between bees, humans and the landscape, this dissertation aims to investigate the connections that are established between bees and humans in market arrangements that seek to instrumentalize the work of these insects in the pollination of agro-industrial crops. Inspired by the research proposed by Anna Tsing, we will look at assemblages in an expanded landscape of assisted pollination arrangements. This work seeks to connect three different levels of analysis: (i) the relationships between the ecological crisis and the decline of pollinators and how they have been interpreted, both by scientists and by other actors involved in the public debate; (ii) the structuring of a market for pollination services, originally in the United States and more recently in Brazil; (iii) assisted pollination practices present in agricultural landscapes formed by large apple monocultures, with apples being one of the main crops where assisted pollination is already a reality in Brazil.  This was based on a literature review, analysis of documents, websites and online testimonials, semi-structured interviews with scientists linked to pollination biology and with the technical manager of an assisted pollination company that occupies a relevant position in the construction of the pollination market in Brazil. The methodology also involved participant observation and field interviews with technicians, extension workers and rural producers involved in apple growing in the municipalities of Vacaria (RS) and São Joaquim (SC). It was found that there are connections that make it possible for assisted pollination to emerge as a market, with ideas and practices circulating on different scales, involving a heterogeneous set of actors, forms of expertise and devices. The sometimes distinct logics, running in parallel, often overlap and influence each other in the construction of this market's arrangements. This argument is demonstrated mainly by analyzing the frictions established between the narratives for building this market, involving scientific discourses and business initiatives, the plantation imaginary and the ecological crisis. We highlight the fact that the radical economic orientation and objectification of bees, stripping them of their intrinsic value, make up a rationality that allows the work of bees to be instrumentalized. Linked to a symbolic transformation that reduces this insect to its service as a pollinator, the commodification of pollination takes shape in the assisted pollination systems analyzed.

The biodiversity of the state of Amazonas is one of the world's greatest natural assets. It is estimated that around 10% of the planet's known species are concentrated in the Amazon, making it one of the richest regions in terms of global biodiversity. The state of Amazonas holds the largest portion of the Amazon rainforest among the states that make up the Legal Amazon.

With the vast expanse of the Amazon rainforest, the state has a unique potential for transforming natural resources into innovative and sustainable products and services. The bioeconomy not only opens up new possibilities for generating jobs and income, but also promotes the internalization of economic development and values the traditional knowledge of local communities. The relevance of this approach goes beyond the local economy, as it responds to growing global demands for sustainable solutions. The research therefore seeks to answer the central question: “What are the opportunities, possibilities and obstacles of bioeconomic activities in the state of Amazonas?”.

The dissertation is structured in three main chapters, in addition to the introduction and conclusion. In the first chapter, entitled “Bioeconomy”, the central concept of the topic is presented, with a theoretical approach that explores its characteristics, divisions and relevance on the global and local stage. The initial section defines the bioeconomy and its groups of activities, while the second section discusses its relationship with sustainable development, highlighting its importance for Brazil and, more specifically, for the state of Amazonas. This chapter provides the theoretical basis needed to understand how the bioeconomy can be a transformative strategy for the region.

Even with the great gains in agricultural production and productivity, there is a great concern about how to feed a 9 billion population in 2050. Far from solving the hunger problem, as once proclaimed by the Green Revolution, the world is again witnessing a sudden increase on undernourishment. In addition to the distributive issues, the cumulative effects of climate change generate a complex and uncertain scenario. Formulating transitions to sustainable agricultural systems is currently a scientific, political and social challenge. This research seeks to identify and understand the principles of truth that are mobilized as central aspects (to the detriment of others) to compose the epistemic basis of scientific production in the interface between the fields of agriculture and environmental conservation. Through the cartography of controversies, the different positions between researchers on the reformulation and implementation of the Native Vegetation Protection Law (n. 12.651/2012) are mapped. Based on the co-production approach, the analytical lens explores the relationship between technoscientific knowledge and political and socio-cultural demands for environmental compliance. When exploring this interface between science and politics, the research captures different sustainability views and their translation into territorial management proposals that aims to influence decision making. To fulfill these objectives, the research carried out a systematic review of Embrapa's technoscientific production related to NCF. It also intends to survey on electronic sites the perceptions of actors who actively participate in this debate, as well as to contextualize this debate in the current scenario of dismantle, paralysis and reorientation of environmental policies in Brazil.

This thesis aims to analyze the role of the Federal Court of Accounts (TCU) in land reform, particularly through Decision 775/2016-TCU-Plenary, which halted the policy conducted by the National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA) in 2016, which occurred during a historical moment marked by the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff and the strengthening of sectors opposed to redistributive policies. According to the TCU at that time, there were nearly 600,000 settled workers who did not meet the criteria stipulated by law, justifying the suspension of policy actions. To understand the conditions that led to the emergence of this Decision in that context, an initial survey was conducted on the construction of definitions in laws and administrative regulations regarding the beneficiaries of land reform, as well as an analysis of the characteristics of the Federal Court of Accounts' actions. The study of the Decision revealed various legal disputes over the interpretation of laws between INCRA and the TCU, as well as other institutional actors. One of the repercussions of the Decision is the increased involvement of the TCU in defining the actions conducted by INCRA and its influence on the drafting of land reform laws and regulations since 2016, particularly concerning the definition of eligible beneficiaries. Finally, the thesis demonstrates that the increasing complexity of legislation for beneficiary selection developed since 2016 may impact the feasibility of implementing land redistribution policies, which are undergoing a lengthy process of dismantling.

The ecological crisis caused by pollution threatens the life of nature and humanity on Earth.
The intensification of the sociometabolic order mediated by capital has produced sacrifice
zones for the final disposal of millions of tons of solid waste, particularly organic waste
derived from food loss and waste. As a result, the metabolic rift has deepened, revealing an
imbalance in the exchanges between societies and their natural environments, affecting
ecosystems, common goods, and human health. In Bogotá, this crisis is manifested in the
conflict generated by the massive burial of waste in the ‘Doña Juana’ landfill, located in the
rural area of ‘Mochuelo’, in the south of the Colombian capital. For over thirty years (1988 -
present), this toxic management method has caused ecosystem degradation, public health
harm, and changes to everyday social life within the influence area of this infrastructure,
which is linked to basic sanitation services regulated by state public policies. In this context,
the affected communities have organized and mobilized to collectively demand the full
restoration of their rights to human dignity and a healthy environment. As a result,
‘Mochuelo’ has become a territory of resistance, from which an initiative for transforming
waste into resources has emerged, structured by ‘Sineambore’, a recycling association led by
women from the community. Based on the critical perspective of Political Ecology, this thesis
analyzes the community-based work of organic waste utilization within the context of this
ecological conflict caused by pollution. Primary and secondary documentary sources were
explored, quantitative data were systematized, georeferencing exercises with QGIS were
conducted, and guided walks were conducted by the association in this territory. The research
demonstrates that this community-driven alternative, focused on the production of bio-inputs
through composting, vermiculture, and biodigestion techniques, contributes to the ecological
restoration of soils, the revitalization of social fabric, and food production connected with
agroecological networks in the city. This community process, in a hopeful sense, may inspire
the structuring of sustainable, emancipatory, and democratic alternatives centered around the
care of common goods, advancing towards the social reappropriation of nature in the Global
South.

This work aims to investigate the effects of the land regularization policy of agrarian reform settlements in the state of Rio de Janeiro, relating them to investments in infrastructure and granting of installation credits. The investigation starts from the scenario of a series of initiatives of the public power that accentuated the orientation of the policy of land regularization of rural settlements to the delivery of property titles, whose consequence is the return of the areas to the land market. Among these, the Technical Note 3141/2021/GABT-1/GABT/GAB/P/SEDE/INCRA, which guides the regional superintendencies of the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform in the execution of the land regularization policy from the classification of settlements into priority phases for titling according to pending issues to be resolved. In this wake, the work will analyze the application of these criteria in the settlements of the state of Rio de Janeiro. In parallel, a survey was carried out on investments in infrastructure and the granting of installation credits in the state's settlements, thus allowing an analysis of the conditions under which the areas are returned to the land market. Finally, it is intended to demonstrate that the policy orientation towards giving priority to the delivery of property titles, added to the low execution of investments in infrastructure in the settlements and the low granting of installation credits to families, returns the settlements to the land market,  without guaranteeing the conditions for the families to stay, making them more vulnerable to market pressures.

In this dissertation, I analyze the Zapatista contributions on "knowledge," "identity," and "reality" and I establish a dialogue between their understanding and that of modern critical scientists, in order to focus on the shared viewpoint between these two knowledge-producing groups: the urgency of capitalist refutation and the radical re-foundation of the paradigms of society. The overall aim of the investigation is to unveil the incidence of multiplicity in the Zapatista relational mode at various levels of life: in the individual scope, with the environment, with each other, with external agents, and with knowledge. To this end, the first chapter historically contextualizes the Zapatista struggle and its organizational configuration. In the second chapter, I elaborate on the relationship of Zapatism with modern science and its science in order to achieve the ideal functioning of knowledge production according to the group. The third chapter analyzes the incidence of multiplicity in Zapatista life through elements of the movement's ontology and epistemology. In this vein, I understand the cohesion between the "myth" founded in the Zapatista epistemological scope and the group's concrete actions toward world transformation. Thereby, the fourth chapter focuses on the explanatory power of the Relatos do Velho Antonio and the extrapolative power of the contos do gato-perro, as they illustrate and substantiate the discussion unveiled throughout chapters 1, 2, and 3. As research sources, I analyzed Zapatista books and documents of the Enlace Zapatista, which are official and public publications written by some subcommanders of the movement, books by scholars who have studied the Zapatista movement, and theories by modern authors that are contiguous to the Zapatista ideas studied here. For this analysis, I adopted three research techniques: documentary analysis of Zapatista sources, literature review of scholars who have studied the movement, and analysis of Zapatista knowledge in light of modern science concepts.

The present master's work aims to study the changes and permanences that have been occurring in the eating habits of agricultural families in São Pedro da Serra - Nova Friburgo / RJ, in a context of transformation of the rural environment, due to the influence of urban-industrial culture, which in this case is the metropolis of Rio de Janeiro. To understand and seek to identify such transformations, the roles of pluriactivity and production for self-consumption in promoting such changes will be analyzed. It is understood that such concepts, quite present in the socioeconomic reality in family farming in Nova Friburgo/ RJ (CARNEIRO; ROCHA, 2009), may be important factors in promoting change in habits, including those related to commensality. Therefore, fundamental to indicate the relationship of the families studied with the food, providing information and explanations based on the types of food consumed its origin, frequency and history of use. The data that will enable such analyzes will be produced, mostly through the application of a semi-structured questionnaire, with the families studied. The choice of these families as well as their geographic distribution within the studied location will be defined through articulation carried out with the Association of Farmers of São Pedro da Serra and Adjacencies. It is expected, at the end of this undertaking, to know the influences that urban-industrial culture has been causing in the commensality of agricultural families, identifying, at least in the chosen cut, the main changes in habit, food diversity and the feeling of (in) security food for these families.

Sexuality is a minor topic within studies on rural youth, which do not take into account the topic’s importance for both individual and collective dynamics. Therefore, based on the idea that sexuality encompasses a multiplicity of experiences and that it is closely linked to the cultural aspects experienced by each person, this work aims to analyze the multiple affective-sexual experiences lived by the Movimento de Mulheres Camponesas (MMC) young activists. The intention is to analyze how sex, affectivity, and agency are worked within the movement and in the militants' personal lives, observing the convergences and disputes that these themes can generate.

The aim of this research was to examine the role of BNDES in the expansion of the sugarcane industry in the Brazilian Midwest region between 2003 and 2020. This period encompassed the latest phase of growth in the sector, which began with the introduction of flex-fuel engines in 2003. Recognizing the significance of the Brazilian government in shaping the economic and territorial dynamics of the sugarcane industry, our hypothesis was that BNDES played a pivotal role in the geographical expansion of sugarcane cultivation, driving it through an active policy and providing the necessary resources for investment. We conducted a comprehensive analysis of BNDES credit operations in the states of Goiás, Mato Grosso do Sul, and Mato Grosso, utilizing descriptive statistics within the specified time frame. Additionally, we analyzed publications from the Revista BNDES and BNDES Setorial journal that focused on the sugarcane sector since 2000, employing a content analysis approach. Our goal was to contribute to the ongoing debate surrounding the political and social determinants of economic dynamics, particularly the role of the state. To achieve this, we adopted an institutionalist paradigm that allowed for a multidisciplinary approach, incorporating insights from Economic Sociology, Political Science, and Economics. We conducted a comprehensive analysis of BNDES credit operations in the states of Goiás, Mato Grosso do Sul, and Mato Grosso, utilizing descriptive statistics within the specified time frame. Additionally, we analyzed publications from the BNDES magazine and BNDES Sectorial journal that focused on the sugarcane sector since 2000, employing a content analysis approach. Our objective was to contribute to the ongoing debate surrounding the political and social determinants of economic dynamics, particularly the role of the state. To achieve this, we adopted an institutionalist paradigm that allowed for a multidisciplinary approach, incorporating insights from Economic Sociology, Political Science, and Economics.

In this dissertation, my overall objective is to analyze how one of the modes of artistic
expression of the Huni Kuin people, as manifested in contemporary art creations of the Huni
Kuin Artists Movement (MAHKU), constitutes an alternative cosmopolitics for addressing
climate change in the Anthropocene. Drawing inspiration from Ailton Krenak's provocation
in 'Ideas to Postpone the End of the World' (2019), I aim to explore how narrative and artistic
practice can be effective means to mitigate the effects of modern capitalism and challenge the
idea of humans as unique and superior to other beings. To achieve this objective, I employ an
interdisciplinary approach that combines qualitative research methods, contemporary art
analysis, and cultural studies. My research involves literature review, documentary analysis,
and participant observation during a visit to the MAHKU exhibition. I also conduct analyses
of contemporary Huni Kuin artworks and cultural expressions. My analysis is grounded in
empirical concepts and categories that encompass indigenous aesthetics, indigenous ways of
life in relation to the forest, and shamanic knowledge. Additionally, I investigate how
historical representations of indigenous people in non-indigenous society influence how they
express themselves and relate to climate change. The research is conducted in collaboration
with members of the Huni Kuin Artists Movement (MAHKU) and focuses on Huni Kuin
communities in the Amazon region, where the interaction between contemporary art and
environmental preservation plays a pivotal role. To date, the research results indicate that
contemporary art by MAHKU plays a significant role in reshaping societal perceptions of the
forest and climate change. The Huni Kuin, as analyzed from the perspectives of Ailton
Krenak, are recounting stories and shaping an ancestral future through their contemporary art.
This work suggests that artistic and cultural approaches have the potential to offer valuable
alternatives for addressing the challenges of the Anthropocene.

This research proposes an analysis of Brazilian food activism today, focusing specifically on the food movements around Unconventional Food Plants (PANC). Our theoretical basis was among Food Sociology, Food Activism and Consumer Studies. Through the search tool in Instagram platform, the participant observation in a field experience and the interview with one of the activists, we tried to build a mapping of the main actors (individuals and collectives) involved with the Unconventional Food Plants, analyzing its objectives, dilemmas and ambiguities, as well as the debates and controversies around it, specially on what it refers to conventionalization and the usage of the PANC acronym. We also analyze how these movements use strategies of political consumerism and what practices are defended by the activists. Finally, we characterize the main forms of action (stricto sensu activism, entrepreneur activism and environmental education activism) and proposed a typology of the movements around Unconventional Food Plants; The ones who emphasize ethical critics, the ones who emphasize aesthetic critics and the ones who oppose themselves to the acronym of Unconventional Food Plants (PANC).

Nature Conservation Units have been described as the main strategy for biodiversity conservation in Brazil, where environmental protection is established in the Constitution of Federative Republic as a right "for all" and an "asset for common use" of the current population and future generations. In turn, the Food Security is related to strategies for realizing the right "of all" to regular and permanent access to quality food in sufficient quantity, without compromising access to other needs, such as an ecologically balanced environment, essential to a healthy quality of life. While the achievement of food security demands intersectoral actions to guarantee access to land, territory, and resources, participation and social control over natural resources, the Conservation Units of the Extractive Reserve type (Resex), due to their structuring characteristics, present themselves as the institutionalization of a model for the use of land and natural resources that promotes the preservation of biodiversity from the management, permanence, and active participation of the artisanal extractive communities that historically integrate the territories. In these terms, this research is situated at the interface of the themes of biodiversity conservation and food security, and its objective is to understand if and how the Marine Extractive Reserve can be understood as spaces where the defense of territory by local communities makes the food security objectives and practices possible to been incorporated and in what ways the notion of commons instituting practices participate in this connection. The Marine Extractive Reserve of Canavieiras (BA) was the site of the field research, and the procedures used to analyze these relationships were the application of a survey on food insecurity in the fishing communities, supported by the Brazilian Scale of Food Insecurity, the monitoring of meetings of the Deliberative Council between 2020 and 2022, and meetings with fishing leaders in 2022.

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The thesis here presented seeks to critically reflect the theme of dismantling public policies from events that implied profound changes in the territorial policy of rural development. To this end, it considers the recent historical experience in public arenas for the implementation of the aforementioned policy in the South and Southeast region of Pará, from 2003 to the first half of 2019. During this period, the implementation of this policy - led by the then Secretaria de Desenvolvimento Territorial (SDT) from Ministério do Desenvolvimento Agrário (MDA) - presented a revealing behavior of the recurring presence of land collection as a legitimate demand for the social actors involved in this context. Despite being part of the attributions of the Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária (INCRA), the collection of rural properties for the purpose of creating agrarian reform settlements is now done almost exclusively within the public arenas of the territorial development collegiate (Codeter) of the region. We argue that changes in the context of rural territorial development, and land collection, represent the particularity of a process of institutional change, which has been referred to in the international literature as dismantling public policies. From this perspective, the analysis of events such as the extinction of ministries, alongside the staff dismissal by the 2016 ministerial reform; the budget cuts and reduction for agricultural policies of valorization of family agriculture; the constant practices of breaking public procurement contracts; the changes made in the legislation regarding land regularization; and, more recently, the abolition of rural development councils and collegiate councils and the cancellation of land expropriation processes and rural property purchase and sale agreements carried out in 2018, as well as the acceleration of definitive titling for land reform settlements, that existed until then; points to the construction of complex decommissioning strategies that strongly focused on the territorial policy of rural development and the inlaid regime of collection of rural properties leading, consequently, to the emergence of a geography of territorial land containment.

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This work deals with the creation and trajectory of the Workers' Party in the municipality of Goiás
GO, the first capital of the state, analyzing its strategies, difficulties, bases, alliances and, above all, which elements, actors and conditions allowed it to become a political force electoral system capable of remaining in power for three consecutive elections (from 2012 to 2020). The objective is to observe how a political force manages to insert itself into the municipal political field over time, also analyzing the culture and economy of the place. A literary review was carried out focusing on symbolic power for Bourdieu (1989), municipal politics for Palmeira and Heredia (2012), coronelismo in Brazil and Goiás and how the struggle for land in the state and municipality studied connects to historical politics of the Workers' Party in the municipality of Goiás. Fieldwork was also carried out in the 2018 and 2020 electoral campaigns, in addition to interviews aimed at politicians affiliated with the party and some voters. The role of the Catholic Church in the fight for land and in the constitution of this political force that resulted in the creation of the PT is evident in the face of a party that was created in the municipality in a triad together with the CPT and the Diocese. The cultural elements that traditional politics manage to leave in the municipality are highlighted during the fieldwork and included in our conclusions, since a division between ―those inside and outside‖ the municipality appears as an identifying element among ―those who are from inside and outside‖ the municipality appears at different times, loaded with different meanings, but effectively centered on whether or not it belongs to the effective struggle for municipal power.

ABSTRACT

From the 1970s onwards, with the process of return of the Brazilian's democracy after the dictatorship, several rural and urban struggles, with different political, economic and social objectives, intensified. Therefore, new and old actors of the working classes mobilize strategies to transform their realities, as well as their unions, confederations and federations. In the sugarcane field, the Confederation of Rural Workers in Agriculture (CONTAG), together with the Unions of Rural Workers from different regions, directed the restructuring of the struggles, promoting the awareness of the classes, intensifying the legal processes and adhering to strikes and strikes as instruments of political pressure for the conquest of basic and fundamental rights. Important strikes for sugarcane workers emerged from this movement, such as the one that took place in Pernambuco (1979), Guariba (1984) and Campos dos Goytacazes (1984). This dissertation analyzes the campistas strike, ocurred in July 1984, lasting 36 hours, whose victories are similar to Guariba. Having the sugarcane workers as its main subjects, it is presented as the conditions of life and work in the moments of the strike, as articulations of the Union of Rural Workers of Campos (STRC) and its associates with the national union structure; the exchange of experiences and demands of other regions, fundamental to the emergence of the movement. The beginning, progress and end of the strike are understood, having as sources of research interviews, specialized bibliography and newspapers. As a result, it is shown that the movement was built months before, with advances and setbacks in negotiations with the employer class, whose intransigence of the mill owners led to the reaction of the workers. Furthermore, it is discussed how the camper sugarcane workers momentarily break with the unionism project organized by CONTAG, carrying out an illegal strike. The results also indicate the constant mobilization in the plants and farms, even after the victory of the movement, aiming to forcing the execution of the signed agreement. In this way, the study contributes to the field of mobilization of rural workers in the period of redemocratization, discussing the role, action and mobilization of sugarcane workers in Rio de Janeiro.

                                                                           SUMMARY

The Covid-19 pandemic landed in Brazil in a scenario of extreme political polarization and a deepening of the economic crisis in force since 2015, which one of its most visible effects was the resurgence of hunger among the poorest families, largely residing in the slums and outskirts of large urban centers. Immediately, a great social movement spread throughout the country, in which individuals, collectives and organizations of varied natures articulated in support networks to distribute resources in the form of money, food or essential goods. Through different campaign arrangements, economic and political links were created or updated between heterogeneous agents that make up the large universe of civil society, at the same time as they disputed in the public arena the meanings and legitimate practices of solidarity. In this work, we carried out an ethnography of two food donation campaigns in the Metropolitan Region of Rio de Janeiro, both coordinated by organized social movements: the first was organized by Movimenta Caxias, an articulation between several groups of peripheral youth in the Baixada Fluminense; while the second was organized by the Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores, a national organization linked to the peasant and agroecological movements. Through the researcher's engaged participation in the campaigns, field observations, semi-structured interviews and extensive virtual research, we investigated and analyzed the different arrangements created by their coordinators in order to mobilize people, resources and narratives around food and the fight against hungry. The different collective identities, political trajectories and collective action repertoires of the organizations involved brought specific characteristics to each of the initiatives, at the same time that the two campaigns were connected by some of their central actors, so that the investigation of food flows and financial resources led us to interesting discoveries about the web of political and economic ties built from them, raising important debates about the Brazilian political situation after the pandemics, in wich different political and economic projects dispute the legitimate interactions between State, civil society and markets facing the main brazilian social problems.

The research questions the extractive mining development model in Latin America and the different effects on women's bodies and territories. Despite being the most affected by the effects of the developmental logic, women also assume centrality in the struggles in defense of their territories-bodies-earth. The investigation seeks to understand how knowledge is constructed and disseminated in spaces of resistance of affected women, from the group Red Latinoamericana de Mujeres Defensoras de Derechos Sociales y Ambientales. The dissertation investigates the different impacts according to gender, the way affected women resist from their territories-bodies-earth and the methods of articulation of collectives, their argumentative constructions and pedagogies.

This research focuses its analysis on the destructuring of the sugar cane industry in Puerto Rico, under the gaze of the Puerto Rican agrarian ruling class, called the Criollo Bloc, considering the particularities of the colonial status ratified by means of the designation of the Free State. ELA Associate. Therefore, this research seeks to analyze the organizational dynamics of this agrarian ruling class related to the rise and decline of the sugar cane plantations in Puerto Rico. In this sense, based on the destructuring of the sugarcane industry, the aim is to analyze how the sugar elite restructures and what are its continuities and discontinuities in the spaces of domination from the real estate and financial sector. other industries. To inquire about the transformation of the sugar lords, which part of that Creole bloc managed to maintain itself and transition to other accumulation regimes, what was its continuity up to the present, seeks to analyze how and which part of this economic elite has remained, which it is the relationship with the political institutions and in what way they have been able to maintain their influence on the island's political power to this day.

In 2007, sixty peasant students, including activists from social movements, trade unionists, agrarian reform settlers and family farmers, constituted the first graduate class in Law within the scope of the National Policy on Education in Agrarian Reform (Pronera). This pioneering experience was followed by the creation of another five classes, all in public universities located in the North, South, Northeast and Midwest states of Brazil. Starting from the premise that the achievement of a bachelor's degree in Law is part of the grammar of the struggle for land, this thesis seeks to place them as part of a long trajectory of relationship of rural social and union movements with the collective actions undertaken by them in the legal field. The research aims to understand the intentions and efforts mobilized in the demand for the creation of these courses, which represents both an advance in the scope of action of Pronera and a new form of insertion of the rural population in the universities. In addition, it seeks to reflect on the meanings, strategies and expectations that guide the opportunity for the formation of peasant militants as bachelors in Law, placing the debate in the theoretical field of studies on social movements. Empirically, the work focuses on the classes Evandro Lins e Silva (2007-2012) and Fidel Castro (2016-2022), both instituted at the Federal University of Goiás (UFG). From the study of these concrete experiences, discussions about the contradictions and potentialities emerging from the encounter between formal university legal education and a project based on political and methodological assumptions of Rural Education emerge.

The research will seek to verify if the process of financialization of iron ore mining has been completed and what are the implications of this for the extraction of iron ore in Brazil. It will seek to relate neoliberal reforms to the Brazilian Mineral System, including the privatization of Vale do Rio Doce, and the development of various forms of connection between the financial market and the Brazilian iron ore business. Among these forms will be highlighted the evolution of the direct participation of financial institutions in mining companies and the strengthening of the prevalence of the logic of shareholder value and the end of the producer price regime that led to the development of futures and derivatives markets. with an impact on the formation of iron ore prices. Finally, from the perspective of Political Ecology, the link between the financialization of iron mining and its consequences for the expansion of mineral extraction in Brazil will be investigated. as well as for the increase of conflicts and disasters

TRABUCO, Gismália Luiza Passos. Food matters? Food politics in the trajectory of
conformation of the state of Rio de Janeiro as a food importer. 2022. 254 pages. Thesis
(PhD in Social Sciences in Development, Agriculture and Society). Postgraduate
Program in Social Sciences in Development, Agriculture and Society. Institute of
Human and Social Sciences. Federal Rural University of Rio de Janeiro
(CPDA/UFRRJ), Rio de Janeiro, RJ, 2022.
This thesis analyzes the interface woven between flows and dynamics that mediate food
production and consumption in the state of Rio de Janeiro, and the state’s public food
policies. It seeks to observe how the politics of food and its institutional trajectory
influenced the conformation of a state public intervention pattern that contributed to
consolidate and expand the dependence on food imports as a supply model. To this end,
this investigation was based on a case study built upon documentary research,
secondary data analysis and the realization of interviews, aimed on locating the main
transformations in food supply dynamics, and mapping the instruments and public
policies used and adopted by the Government of the state of Rio de Janeiro regarding
food production, commercialization and access. The trajectory of CEASA-RJ, the main
state supply equipment, was analyzed as a process permeated by controversies, and
mediated by the interaction of multiple public and private actors who acted in the scope
of shaping the Instrumentation of Public Action (IAP) in the field of food supply.
Despite of the difficulties imposed by the institutional fragility of the state public
machine regarding the collection of data and information, the analysis of the material
gathered during this research supports the interpretation, defended by this thesis, that
the processes of “de-farming” and constant “des-location” of the food system, which
occurs intensively in Rio de Janeiro, increased its dependence on external supply
chains. The rapid and intense metropolization, the historical territorial disarticulation,
and the predominant use of state instruments (such as tax incentives and private
management of CEASA-RJ) contributed to this scenario by emptying the role of public
intervention, and by potentiating the weight of private actors linked to food imports.
This trajectory consecrated a privatizing logic in the coordination of food supply, made
possible by the high permeability of the commercial capital interests in the public
machine of the state of Rio de Janeiro,

SUMMARY

Seed Houses are places for the collective storage of seeds and act as reference points for the Seed Exchange Network (RIS) in the region of Sobral, Ceará. RIS Sobral, in turn, is an organizational sphere in which farmers, agrarian reform settlers, quilombolas and their representative organizations, in addition to the Cáritas Diocesana de Sobral, coordinate activities and responsibilities between the participants and the Houses. Following the Seed Houses, the time frame of this research covers from the 1970s to the present day. The first Seed Banks, as they were called at the time, were created in the 1970s, in the context of struggles for land and social rights in the countryside. Anchored in political disputes, in the Banks “we never just talked about seeds”. Farmers participating in the RIS Sobral Seed Houses identify that one of the fundamental roles played by these spaces is associated with the promotion of autonomy, above all, in their words, the “autonomy in relation to seeds controlled by the patrão”. These findings place the Seed Houses in a complex tangle: the stored seeds are not isolated entities and can promote autonomy in relation to seeds controlled by others. Based on the notion of ecology of practices discussed by Isabelle Stengers, the research sought to investigate the links and meanings associated with autonomy, in the different ways in which it is experienced by social agents. Thus, taking the Seeds Houses as an entry point, the investigation seeks to highlight the interdependence bonds that are being woven between farmers, the Caatinga, the Catholic Church, the Rural Workers Unions (STTRs), the Non-governmental organizations (NGOs), biotechnologies, alternative technologies and legislation. The thesis analyzes, from this perspective, the many struggles and actors that make up the ecology of practices that emerge from the daily relationships established by farmers with the Seed Houses. The methodological strategy of the research adopts an ethnographic perspective, making use, also, of other research techniques, such as documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews with key actors. The lessons learned from this work do not point to an ecology of practices (ultimately) concluded, but they illuminate what keeps the actors together, considering the sense of belonging built through the daily relationships established between farmers and Seed Houses, and the many bonds that, not without divergences and tensions, promote autonomy and announce the continuity of multiple struggles.

This paper offers an analysis of the land conflicts in Maranhão in the 1970s, the period that
goes through the coup d'état (1964-1985), involving various forms of violence against rural
workers. In order to broaden the idea of repression, violence, and affected social subjects, we
adopted the following guiding question: What meanings were attributed to violence by the
workers? What was the motive of the disputes? What were their forms of action and
organization? In the context of the agrarian conflicts in Maranhão it is possible to observe that
violence can manifest itself in several ways: the destruction of crops, "enclosures", forced
displacement, invasion of houses, fires, etc. The situations that threatened or involved the loss
of control over goods and/or resources that were fundamental for production and social
reproduction, besides those that involved moral, cultural, and symbolic aspects, are also
considered here to be of the order of violence. The research carried out based on the analysis
of State documents, from the Maranhão Delegacy of Political and Social Order (DOPS/MA),
revealed the production of different discourses (from workers, business, and the State) about
the disputes, as well as the forms of violence. In this sense, this thesis offers a contribution to
the literature that deals with the impacts of the civilian-business-military regime on the rural
environment, pointing out its influence on the dynamics of land conflicts, and making visible
a range of actions, also violent, executed against various social subjects in the countryside,
who did not identify ideologically with the left.

Much is said in Brazil - both in specialized literature and in memorialistic representations - about the repression that targeted the student movement and organizations of the revolutionary left during the military dictatorship, emphasizing the year 1968 as a landmark for the intensification of repression or even as the effective beginning of the dictatorship. However, the repression that struck the poorest sectors of the working class, especially the peasants, is little known. The present work aims to analyze the memorial representations of forms of resistance and peasant organization, as well as repressive events that befell the rural populations of the Baixada Fluminense a region with peri-urban areas near the city of Rio de Janeiro, where there was a great mobilization of rural workers' entities in the struggle for land in the period prior to the coup of 1964. Taking as a case for this study a locality known as Pedra Lisa, nowadays in the municipality of Japeri, which was connected with several other peasant mobilizations in the Baixada Fluminense, documentary and journalistic analyses were carried out, as well as interviews with local residents who had experienced these events. In order to analyze memorial dynamics over time, comparisons were made with interviews provided by other researchers, conducted in recent decades, with residents of this same locality. It is verified that for these populations, the repression does not begin or end with the dictatorship, but intensifies immediately after the coup of 1964, generating memorial dynamics that change over time, but always marked by fear and forced attitudes of forgetfulness.

This project proposes to study the Rural Worker Statute, named by Law No. 4,214, of 1963, authored by Deputy Fernando Ferrari, of the Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro of Rio Grande do Sul, which dealt with labor regulations in the countryside from of several main themes, such as the relationship between the rural worker and the boss (minimum wage payment, paid vacation, work hygiene, among others), the law and the rule applied to the union activity and the systematization of a Social Security fund only for the rural worker. To this end, we will approach the RWS in its time (1954 - 1964) from two related dimensions: 1) its congressional procedure (there were two defeated attempts to protocol the Bill in 1957, and the procedure started in 1960 was victorious). and completed in 1963), all available through documentation already obtained; 2) the debate about its meaning in the political environment in which it was processed, having been a time of theoretical mobilization of the intellectuals who wrote about development and social change between 1954 and 1964, a decisive environment in that it had as one of its central axes. the key to agrarian labor.

The configurations which tourism assumes in the capitalist society articulates a web of material and symbolic processes to capture the free time of consumers, under the aegis of two main aspects, namely: the commodification of experience and the consumption of space. An analysis of the literature produced in the Latin American context shows that tourist activity often involves processes of territorial appropriation that result in land concentration, real estate speculation, land foreignization, environmental degradation, elitization of places, displacement of native populations and an amalgam of social conflicts. This work is based on the assumption that the dynamics related to land use, tenure and ownership, in their diversity, demand theoretical perspectives that allow one to capture the complexity of subjects and processes present in the shaping of the contemporary agrarian question. We elect here, as our main focus, the interfaces established between tourist activity and the agrarian question in a specific territorial context. The political economy of tourism, the Marxist-inspired analysis on the agrarian question - with special attention to the notion of frontier - and reference works in the field of political sociology focusing on social movements and collective action dynamics are used in this work as lenses of analysis,. This research seeks to analyze the processes engendered by the insertion of tourism into the identity territory of the Baixo Sul da Bahia (Lower South of Bahia), which took place in a more coordinated way from the beginning of the 1990s, with the implementation of a public policy, the Programme for the Development of Tourism in Northeast Brazil (PRODETUR NE on its Portuguese acronym) which focused on tourism as a development front for the region. We tried to understand how this phenomenon affected the relations of land ownership and use in this region, as an important arrangement in the appropriation and valuation of land assets. A more detailed analysis was made on the specific case of the Garapuá community, situated in the municipality of Cairu-BA, a settlement whose population's main activities are fishing and tourism. We sought to understand the role assumed by tourism in land conflicts experienced in this community and how this population has organized itself in the struggle to defend the territory.. Through the review of some historiographical studies on the Baixo Sul region, as well as the analysis of institutional data related to land issues in the region, semi-structured interviews and participant observation, it was possible to perceive tourism as a source of tension in what we call the touristic frontier, as well as a direct and indirect agent in the socio-spatial configuration of the region and in the worsening of territorial conflicts.

The Constitutional Amendment N°. 81 of 2014 has changed the article 243 of the Federal Constitution of 1988 and it has determined that all property where illicit production is found, or people in a situation of slave labor or slavery, must be destined for agrarian reform or social use. This amendment is the result of 20 years of debate of the Constitutional Amendment Proposal nº 438/001, known as the Slave Labor PEC. The path between the first proposal and the enactment was long and painful, resulting in a series of disputes over the definition of slave labor, workers' rights, the rural culture and other concepts, such as democracy and freedom. However, despite the apparent achievement, the law is not fully effective, and a complementary ordinary law is needed defining what “slave labor” is. That law, until the conclusion of this dissertation, has not been elaborated. Thus, the concept of slave labor remains suspended, making this Constitutional Amendment something purely decorative. In light of the above, this work aims to investigate the speeches produced in face of the PEC of slave labor, observing the process from a perspective that goes beyond a merely legal analysis commonly linked to the theme.

This work aims to analyze part of the scientific production of sociologist José de Souza Martins, especially with regard to the registration of the Agrarian Question. Martins is one of the main authors of the topic and his publications have a strong influence on rural sociology and on Brazilian Social Thought as a whole. Inspired by Henri Lefebvre's refined Marxian dialectic, the author seeks to highlight the contradictions imposed by the expansion of capitalism in the countryside and all the complexity that derives from it. Thus, Martins sees the role of rural workers as the key to overcoming historical contradictions, whereas the Church would be the main questioner of this process since, unlike other mediators, it sought to meet the real needs of the subjects in the field. However, by the 90's Martins departs from the Church, understanding that it becomes the partisanship of the Agrarian Question and together with the MST and PT they aim for a revolution project that falls short of the immediate needs of rural workers. Converging with the Agrarian Reform project of the Government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, which aimed to regain control of the land through land regularization, Martins criticizes the lack of dialogue (in the wake of an ideological opposition) and the demand for a radical reform of sectors of the left. In addition, Martins became one of the main critics of the PT Government at the beginning of the 2000s, extolling its deterioration in the face of political agreements signed and the insufficiency regarding field issues.

This thesis analyzes the Rural Environmental Registry (CAR) within the policy of environmental regularization provided for in the New Forest Code (NCF) as an instrument responsible for economic and environmental planning. CAR coming from a conciliatory demand between agricultural production of commodities and environmental protection, and is a cadastral tool that works through autocadastro and georeferencing of all possessions and rural properties. Brazil has intense focuses of deforestation and land grabbing, and the new instrument of environmental political modifies the structure of environmental inspection, brings together other maps favoring land regularization and focuses on the monitoring and transparency of global production chains such as livestock, cattle and mining. The theories used in the thesis come from the analysis of public policies, such as instruments of public action, anthropology of public policies and defense coalitions. The policy will be verified at the federal level, with a history of the coalitions around the NCF, with the actors related to SICAR as scientists and politicians, as well as analyzed how the policy is inserted in the southeast of Pará with the environmental technicians,  georeferencing technicians, livestock and mining companies, ranchers and social movements. The methodological procedures used was bibliographic and documentary research, semi-structured interviews with active actors in the public policy process, production of maps and graphs from programs such as QGis and Excel.

The thesis analyses the strategies and choices of family farmers in the global and domestic trasition to special quality coffee in the State of Minas Gerais

Over the past few decades, the labor market in the sugar-alcohol complex in the Center-South Region has been undergoing a series of reconfigurations. Among the main changes, we highlight, on the one hand, a dramatic reduction in the number of workers with lower levels of formal education and, on the other hand, the increase in the number of formal workers, in which specialized professionals with a high level of education predominate. Many authors attribute these changes to an accelerated process of incorporation og technological innovations by the agro-industrial complexes, which changed the profile of the workforce, involving new professionals from different areas of knowledge, with an increase in the participation of the service sector in the different links of the production chain. Using an analytical framework anchored in political economy and in different approaches that seek to reflect on the transformations of the contemporary labor market from a sociological perspective, this thesis seeks to problematize the changes that have occurred in the sugar and alcohol sector in its relations with the labor market(s) starting in the 1990s, rescuing the political, social and institutional dimensions inherent to this process, which cannot be explained, solely, as a mere effect of the technological transformations that occurred in the period. Special attention was paid to a segment that has been scarcely studied and that includes professionals of medium and higher level. The selected methodological approach, taking as an empirical reference the sugar-alcohol agroindustrial complex located in the Central-South Region of the country, involved the use of the PNAD Continuous and RAIS / CAGED as data sources to analyze the labor market indicators in the activities developed at the core of the productive chain, including the cultivation of sugar cane and the processing of sugar and alcohol, as well as the services provided by different enterprises to the agro-industrial complex for sugar and alcohol. Regarding the analysis of the labor market within the productive organization model of the sugar-alcohol agro-industrial complex, it was found that it is increasingly difficult to understand the dynamics of agro-industrial complexes from the traditionally established sectoral boundaries, since with the mounting participation of the service sector, the intersectorality of economic activities increased, and the definition “inside the farm” and “outside the farm” no longer fits. Another important conclusion was that this reconfiguration of the sugar-ethanol labor market in the Center-South region is not the result, solely, of the economic and technological transformations that occurred in this period, but is due, in large part, to changes in the political, regulatory and economic institutional arrangements that structure the sector. In the analyzed period, the State, with its regulatory mechanisms, repositioned itself, according to external and internal pressures, assuming new roles, regarding technological policy. It can also be concluded that there was in fact an increase in the absorption of specialized professionals by the sector, following, among other things, the phenomenon of global productive restructuring, which imposes new structures of production organization and changes the pattern of accumulation, reconfiguring the labor force, with the massive reduction of low qualified professionals who are unable to get back into the sugar and alcohol sector. Finally, it was concluded that, still as part of the productive restructuring process, there is an increase in the concentration of capital from the sugar-alcohol sector in the Center-South Region from the harvest to the processing of sugar and alcohol and, in parallel to this, a shift in investments in R&D and new technologies to the private sector. This process may result in an even more drastic reduction in the staff employed in this agro-industrial complex in the future, which may even impact this already reduced segment of specialized professionals.

In the recent period, a series of proposals and measures have been established within the federal Executive and Legislative powers to restrict indigenous rights, mainly land rights. In this context, the objective of this work is to understand the process of contesting indigenous land rights in the post-1988 period, focusing on the process carried out in the last decade by the Parliamentary Front of Agriculture within the National Congress. We will also seek to decompose and analyze the content and foundations of the contestation discourse, as well as the main agents involved in the federal Executive and Legislative powers in the last decade. The research is mainly based on documentary and audiovisual analysis, such as records of public hearings on the subject, Executive measures, budget execution of the National Indian Foundation (FUNAI), laws and draft laws, and proposed amendments to the Federal Constitution, reports, meetings of the Congressional Commissions of Agriculture and the CPI FUNAI-INCRA (editions 1 and 2), as well as documents of the Parliamentary Front of Agriculture. Until now, interviews have been conducted with key informants to gather information that relate key players and contextualize relevant measures and proposals. In the same period, observations were also made in the National Congress.

The central problem of this research is to understand the transformations that have occurred
in the northwestern Amazon region of Peru, especially the historical development of the
Autonomous Territorial Government of the Wampís Nation (GTANW). The main objective is
to analyze the socio-spatial dynamics given the multiple factors of their ordering, different
scales of agency in this new stage of expansion of capitalism, which promotes the
contradictory encounter of diverse societal forms. Such regions are historically subordinated
in the structure of the modern-colonial world system, which hierarchizes global power blocs,
countries and, within these, their regions. From the characterization of these conflicts in the
present time, the forms of reinvention and reconstruction of territorial autonomy of the
original Amazonian nations are analyzed, among other cases throughout Latin America, in the
face of the hegemonic dynamics of global capitalism. These conflicts operate on different
scales, mainly due to legal and illegal mining industries, energy matrix, deforestation and
forest fires, agribusiness, and other extractive activities that threaten native nations
throughout the Amazon. Autonomy is approached from different methodologies in dialogue
with the practices and knowledge of the Wampís Nation, their cosmologies, and the
community communications that take place in their integral territory. Theoretical-political
references from different spaces and times are mobilized: Peruvian Amazonian ethnohistory
and anthropology; official historiographical literature, archival documents and various
literatures; their oppositions; sensitive theories and experiences on "indigenous" autonomies;
debates on development and extractivism; the problematization of state science, especially
national censuses; and finally Latin American critical theories of communication. The center
of contact with the Wampís' way of thinking and acting according to the Wampís' ethics was
precisely in the shared work of community communication with the GTANW and the Wampís
Nation. The present research does not intend to exhaust this set of complex agendas, but
rather to be an opening to themes, literatures, methodologies and practices that have not yet
matured or been consolidated in the Brazilian social sciences or done in Brazil. This
characteristic presents itself as a challenge and a horizon of permanent elaboration and
exchange in the material and intangible territories of the Wampís Nation.

This study aims to understand the trajectory, resistances and transformations of peasant traditions (values, techniques and knowledge) of small farmers in the municipality of Rio Verde (GO), in view of the transformations caused by the industrialization of agriculture. This municipality was born from the aegis of extensive cattle raising, but for a long time it lived with subsistence agriculture, depended on it and was one of the pioneers in the processes of mechanization of agriculture in Goiás. Large-scale cereal production, mainly soy , whose cultivation began in the 1970s, imposed new demands on the field. From that period onwards, the old forms of production and the social organization of the countryside underwent major changes, directly impacting the lives of populations living in rural areas. The work of the large population who lived in the countryside, but who almost always did not own the land, became unnecessary. Traditional ways of life and work relationships were either abandoned or adapted to meet the demands of the imposed productivist model. Many of the peasant traditions, ways of life, sociability of small farmers do not find space in this new configuration, marked by large monocultures of cereals, sugar cane and even intensive animal husbandry. Even with significant changes occurring in rural areas, it is possible to identify a significant number of small properties controlled in the form or expression of what we observe as family farming.

This thesis aims to reflect on the process of spatialization of sacred territories built upon
African-Brazilian Knowledges, Practices and Socio-Religious acting within Uberlândia/MG
municipality. It was carried out the mapping of places of worship self-identified as “Terreiros”,
which has allowed to georeferencing at least three hundred sites of different “ritualistic
nations'': Umbandas, Omolocô, Candomblés Ketu, Angola and Jeje, Ifá, kardecists, and mixed
cult places. The large number of mapped Terreiros has oriented the process of bibliographic
and historical records’ research, leading to the inquiry about the historic configuration of the

urban area. Distinct historic times corresponded to new social and political environments,
adding new othernesses in contact, each one with its peculiar trajectories and territorialities,
whose understanding show to be indispensable to know as much the city’s origin as its current
features. Terreiros’ dynamic of existence and localization have resulted from both structural
racism in action (originated from colony’s socio-territorial technologies, historically updated
by successive laws and regulations about settlements and use of land, real estate speculation,
and urban expansion) and from African-Brazilian values, knowledges, practices and socio_religious
technologies (nature’s centrality, “market” as civilizational value, sacred initiation
dimension, secrecy’s ritual technology, etc.). Terreiros’ invisible presence in urban landscape,
its number and locations can not be fully comprehended if we don’t take into account the
variety of African-Brazilian “Reinados” and territories, in both material and symbolic
dimensions. Set up in seven cartographic products, it reveals a wide presence of Terreiros all
over the city, mainly located along river courses and natural reserves still existing. It also
mapped trade places related to religious congregations (“Povo de Santo”), to sell religious
articles, goods and services. Therefore, despite the strength and endurance of structural
racism and its segregationist effects, the more than three hundred Black Terreiros in
Uberlândia/MG constitute a local expression of vitality and tenacity of African-Brazilian’s
civilizational continuum.

The continuous increase in population, and the acceleration of urbanization and megalopolization call in question the nature of the agrifood system and current forms of food distribution. Urban agricultura in its diverse modalities presents as great a heterogeneity as conventional agricultural systems, and in parallel to this latter, distinct approaches confront each other - with the defence of an urban agriculture based on social inclusion on the one hand, and on the other, the recourse to advanced technologies, such as those incorporated into the modekl of vertical farms. We present these different systems, the processes and actors involved, together with the challenges they pose and the visions of future urban life which they incorporate. In the seond half of the XX century the world´s urban population tripled and today for the first time in the history of humanity more people live in urban rather than rural surroundings. It is expected that by 2050 as much as two thirds of the world´s population will be living in urban areas. In this context the concept of the city is being subject to scrutiny, no longer being seen simply as a component of the division between urban and rural but rather seen as an integrated form of social life. In this new context of accelerated urbanization, urban agriculture/food systems begin to be seen as a natural component of the conception of the city and central to the implementation and development of urban food systems able to respond to the coming social, climatic and food security challenges.

The advocacy of agroecology has brought together diverse people and institutions, representing divergent and even antagonistic social strata and interests. The objectives of this research were, on the one hand, to carry out a critical reading on the global geopolitical context that accompanied the emergence and diffusion of agroecology throughout the world, and on the other, to identify the political and ideological content of what is stated as the “social dimension of agroecology ”. To this end, we follow the development trajectory of the term “agroecology” from the 1930s to the present day, as well as the trajectory of its antagonistic pair - conventional agricultural science anchored by the technological package of the Green Revolution and which in its second stage has been incorporating elements of technical ecologization and valorization of “local” knowledge, integrating them in a subordinate way in the accumulation tables. We paid special attention to the period between the 1990s and the 2000s - the emergence of neo-extractivism and the proposals for “sustainable development” and “neoliberal multiculturalism” disseminated by multilateral organizations - which coincides with the moment when agroecology gains more prominence and space in the public debate. Then, we carried out an empirical analysis on the political discourses of Via Campesina and the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). Because they have international reach, both organizations influence and are influenced by a wide range of actors and institutions, which makes their discourse particularly relevant. Using official documents, reports and statements from these entities, we were able to observe how the concept of agroecology was constructed in each case. Anchored mainly by Murray Bookchin's Social Ecology proposal, and by the perception of continuity between nature and society observed in the ontology developed by Mikhail Bakunin, we identified that the concept of “agroecology” harbors a contradictory unity, that is expressed in differentiations of class, ideology and political projects, which point to different and even opposite levels of transformation. We conclude that today there is a coexistence of agroecological knowledge that tends to assume a hegemonic-dominant-central form, aligned with the second stage of the Green Revolution and the centers of power, based upon a liberal economic policy as a government practice; and agroecological knowledge in its subaltern-peripheral-insurgent form, aligned with the peripheries of power, built from emancipatory practices in search of autonomy and territorialization of the peasantry. These two “types” of agroecology, while excluding one another, reinforce each other, following the dialectic between authority and freedom.

Abstract

The northern region of the state of Minas Gerais, has been the stage of the phenomenon
known as (un) invisibilization of traditional peoples and communities, this movement is based
on the legislation of the 1988 federal constitution, and more recently, decrees that guarantee
cultural rights, identities and territories of communities that recognize themselves as
traditional. Within a mosaic of peoples that emerge seeking to recover their territories and
maintain their ways of life, traditional breeding communities claim their territories located
under the Serra Geral, questioning the logic of occupation and the development model
brought by the industrial complexes of eucalyptus, who settled in the region at the end of the
1970s. In this context, the present work is the result of a case study carried out in a traditional
farming community that has its territory and territoriality reconfigured, and with the help of
the theoretical lens of political ecology, we will fit the process experienced by the community
(local / regional), within the context of western imperialism and the globalization of the
economy (national / international), analyzing this development project, as a “moderate-
colonial” project. We will thus describe the reconfigurations of the land network with the
installation of the territorial projects of the eucalyptus monocultures, overlapping the
traditional territorial project woven by the gerizeiros, and, more recently, a new
reconfiguration in the land network with the creation of a Sustainable Development Reserve
on the territory of Catanduva. Thus, we highlight the importance of mobilizing communities
around access to traditional territories as essential for the maintenance of nature present in the
Serra Geral and in the cerrado areas, reaffirming the importance of the concept of socio-
biodiversity, which translates human interference in nature as essential for the production and
reproduction of biodiversity.

Eight years after the establishment of the Rural Environmental Registry (CAR), its capacity to recognize deforestation in private areas in the Amazon is perceived, as well as its potential for the generation of conflicts over land, due to its use as an input to land regularization. Requests to change or withdraw deadlines on the registration phase are constant, maintaining the possibility of accessing credit and not recovering irregularly deforested areas. There is no synthesis on what could be a development paradigm for the Amazon. The large extractive and agricultural capital has a productive and economic perception and perspective on its potential, including bioeconomic production. In this context, there are the disputes over the updating of the Forest Code (CF) of 1965 and the institutionalization of the CAR, which we intend to observe through the articulation of the pluralist approach with the issue of hegemony, in order to consolidate our approach through two large groups linked to the environment, exploration and land use. To consolidate the analysis, we separated our discussion by groups, and considering the proposals of Laclau and Mouffe (2015) using a model proposed and applied by Errejón Galván (2012) and Romano (2018), with interpretative frameworks (SNOW and BENFORD , 1988) we will analyze specific milestones in political discourse. Throughout its execution, the CAR was appropriated by actors from the ruralist bench, and came to be seen as a possible accelerator in the consolidation of irregularly occupied territories. These data can already be seen as the increase in land conflicts identified by the Pastoral Land Commission (CPT) and the increase in deforestation over the last five years (increase of 313%). The overlapping of cadastres with other territorial domains already totals 960 thousand km², including indigenous lands and conservation units. This could also influence new conflicts with land grabbers. In addition, the withdrawal of the deadline for carrying out the CAR opens the door to not carrying out the entire process for environmental regularization, a scenario that is antagonistic to what was expected with the Environmental Regularization Program. Through the analysis of milestones, the control of the ruralist group in the hegemonic dispute was perceived, over what was discussed and tensioned to arrive at changes in the forest code and the introduction of an environmental management instrument. The amendments to the code were influenced by the discourse of legal guarantee on land and expansion of agricultural areas for food production, however, such proposals are not proven based on studies on intensifying production and use of technologies. In the end, all the effort made was aimed at maintaining the status quo of exploration and development of agribusiness. With the previous analysis on the Environmental Licensing System in Rural Properties (SLAPR) and CAR Pará, it was realized that the mapping of rural properties can be guaranteed, however, alone it is not able to reduce deforestation and land grabbing, opening new areas and reduce risks of land disputes in the Amazon.

From the year 2016, small farmers' fairs began to appear in the interior of the Serrana Region. In the small town of Bom Jardim, Cantagalo and Cordeiro, for example, weekly fairs were organized in addition to the more traditional ones, such as the "Nova Friburgo Cooperative", which has been in operation for another 50 years. The present work is part of that context and intends to analyze the Rural Producer Fair in the city of Cordeiro. Recent literature points to the ability of fairs to reconnect producers with consumers and relocate food, showing that they have an origin. So, they revalue the place, the artisan production and show respect for the maturation time of each crop. These are the aspects that we will try to analyze, in order to understand if the Fair of the Cordeiro's Rural Producer is able to contribute to the agricultural diversification of the producers that participate in it. The methodological procedures used in the study will be: bibliographic review, data survey through semi-structured surveys, observation and data analysis.

The implementation of environmental policies based on anthropocentric and mercantile visions of the environmental issue has unleashed new disputes between communities and local / national governments throughout Latin America. The case of “páramo” ecosystems (exclusive tropical ecosystem) is special: both for their role in water regulation and oxygen production, and for the provision of different natural assets, which makes them attractive for developing new markets under the current environmental world crisis. Colombia has the largest “páramo” in the world, the Cruz Verde-Sumapaz Páramos Complex, where one of the most emblematic peasant communities of the country's agrarian struggle is located. From the final years of the decade of 1990’s, but with greater intensity after the negotiation and signing of the Peace Agreement between the State and the FARC-EP guerrillas in 2016, there has been a constant attempt to implement several environmental policies in this territory. That situation has been interpreted by the communities as a threat to their peasant way of living. In that direction, this research aims to analyze the advance of the institutional visions of the environmental issue on the peasant way-oflife at the Páramo de Sumapaz, based on the examination of the effects of environmental public policies in this community, and the implications of this process in debates on agrarian issue in Colombia. Starting from the use of qualitative research methods such participant observation, life history and some contributions of “Investigación Acción Participante” methodology and ethnography, the reconfiguration processes of the peasant way-of-life in this territory are studied from the direct experience of ten families (settled within and on the edge of environmental protection areas of the Sumapaz National Park in an extension of six villages), some of its main community and political leaders, and institutional stakeholders (public officials). One of the main findings of this study is the identification of what could be interpreted as a process of sophisticated configuration of accumulation by spoliation that, through the confluence of environmental and non-environmental public policies, imposes a spiral institutional fence on the communities that creates several pressures at different levels and spatialities to induce them to stop being peasants, deterritorializating them and/or deeply transforming their peasant way-of-life in the name of the “sustainable development” of this strategic ecosystem.

The thesis analyzes the way in which access to food with differentiated quality occurs in the locality of Juazeiro, as a social construction in which the relation between (i) the characteristics of the space (natural, cultural, socioeconomic and political), (ii) food choices (preferences, lifestyles, structural conditions), (iii) the intersection of dynamics with different natures and scales that make up the local food supply, and (iv) the very conceptions of access and quality. The scenario of food provisioning is treated as a complex system composed of interactions between coexisting food systems based on three guiding topics: landscapes, menus and politics. The dissertation seeks to identify, in the dynamics of local actors, the interactions between coexisting food systems: tensions, hybrid forms, complementarities, synergies and possibilities for cooperation. Finally, it is presented some arguments on access to food with differentiated quality, and on the construction of food politics at the local level, based on the logics of justice and food sovereignty. The main thesis is that social participation in political spaces, the valorization of local culture and the formation of networks between organizations are resources used by the actors in the locality of Juazeiro to promote access to food with differentiated quality. In this sense, the valorization of the cultural dimension, together with the environmental and health ones, expresses the fundamental aspects for a social change that increases access to food with differentiated quality, through its association with: a) a sense of belonging to a certain territory or territoriality; b) identification with familiar and historically performed practices; c) a sensitivity through music, traditional recipes, art, poetry, among other artistic-cultural manifestations. These elements, combined with the political engagement of the actors have a leading role in the availability of food with differentiated quality and in elucidating its value in a contextualized way, interconnecting aspects of history, culture and the environment.

Starting from the analysis that religious rituals and festivals demonstrate the models of life and social organization, the present proposal directs the gaze to the festival of Santa Luzia in the Municipality of Aurilândia, in view of the exercise of understanding the constitutive aspects of the festivity. and their interaction with local society. The study also proposes to understand the arrangements of living, feeling, acting and interpreting life in harmony with religious relations, that is, understanding from this festival, how it is constituted through the same social mechanisms of hierarchy perceived in this community.

Despite the recognition of the political strength of the rural and agro-industrial employers' sectors in defending their interests in the Brazilian National Congress, the literature still lacks research on the action of these classes and social groups in the Federal Senate. We seek to problematize the issue of representation in the Federal Senate by articulating the approach from the notion of class and social group interests with the approach of legislative studies. Our hypothesis is that parliamentarians representing agribusiness have an influence on the decision-making process of the legislature by acting far beyond agrarian and agricultural issues. This broad insertion is based on the very origin and trajectory of these agribusiness spokespersons. We demonstrate that the senators of the Agricultural Parliamentary Front participate and control various spaces of power of the National Congress, such as the permanent, temporary and inquiry commissions, and the internal bodies and councils, interacting and positioning themselves on numerous themes of social life. In this way, they dispute politically and symbolically the federal legislature, the other Powers and society as a whole. We analyzed the indications of their individual amendments to the Union's budget, focusing on public policies and prioritized beneficiaries. We believe that the research contributes to the opening of a research agenda to deepen the question of the representation of the dominant classes and groups of the field in the Brazilian upper chamber.

This thesis deals with the relationship between industrialization and ethnic territorialization of urban spaces of Campo Grande-MS. The intended goal is to show that the industrialization of the state capital of Mato Grosso do Sul (MS), from the 2000s, contributed to the consolidation of ethnic territorialization process of urban space by opening spaces for the workforce native and hence the affirmation of working relationships employed. From the 1990s, Campo Grande witnessed a significant growth of the indigenous population in urban areas, which materialized with the formation of so-called "urban villages", which first opened in 1999 and another three in the next decade. Also, note that the physical occupation strategy of urban space remained an Indian voluntary action, and are realized in "camps" to draw the attention of governmental power to the indigenous insertion conditions in the urban context. In turn, industrialization was also evident from the 2000s, following the national and international expansion dynamics of capitalism. Campo Grande was consolidated in the formation of so-called Polos Business, Municipal Incubators and revitalization of the Industrial Center, in addition to providing support and incentives to other projects around the city. Thus, the thesis is structured in order to show that the expansion of capitalism and its many forms of domination and exploitation, coupled with the power of the state, produce a variety of ambiguous, antagonistic, complementary reactions, etc. One is the territorialization process, also considered as a ethnicization process of the urban environment, which although it is considered as a form of ethnic resistance and change the historical balance of power relations, not without the multiple facets.

In 2012, mining company Vale obtained the prior license from the State to start the installation of the largest iron project in its history, the S11D Project. The process of this process was marked by an international situation of instability in this market, after the great boom of the first decade of the 21st century, before which Vale responded with the emergency to increase the scale of production, to compensate for the fall in price, and the possible way for that, was in the exploration of the Serra Sul in Carajás. In Brazil, there was a period favorable to the implementation of the project, with the State leading a model of economic development based on exports of commodities, to reverse part of its profits in social policies to reduce poverty, thus managing to guarantee a hegemony of the bloc in power. Vale was not only part of this bloc, but also counted on the direct involvement of the State in its accumulation process, to the extent that, even though it was a private company, it still had significant State ownership power. These elements ensured the a priori alignment of the company with the State due to the S11D project. However, the impacts of this project on the territory, generated conflicts that complexified this relationship, imposing the mediation of an entire administrative bureaucratic apparatus, which, however much it represented a dominant reproductive structure, was crossed by the class struggle. In this sense, the main objective of the thesis was to unveil the State's actions, given the interests of territorialization of the Vale company, in the implementation of the mine of the S11D project in Canaã dos Carajás. It was identified in the environmental and agrarian conflicts around the project, the movement of the State acting in two ways. In the impacts of the project on Flona Carajás, the existence of environmental legislation that guided the action of the state bureaucracy, managed, in a way, to shield the licensing of the pressures coming from superior spheres of the state political power. In the case of the social impacts related to agrarian conflicts with the company, there was, to a large extent, an absence of a regulatory framework, making institutional tensions less noticeable, because state actions were almost all driven by the conflicts between Vale and the affected population, which it was at such unequal levels of access to the State. With this thesis, we sought to show the balance of class power within the state, even when it was conducted by a popular democratic government. It also allowed us to understand Vale's strategies to dominate the state structure and put it at the service of its interests, and, finally, the role of social struggles, which even in the face of the state's refractory character, I managed to impress on it, its victories.

This work deals with the Brazilian agrarian and land issues, especially from the year 2009 with the creation of the Terra Legal Program, through the entry into force of the Forest Code of 2012 and the recent legislative changes that have altered the legal framework of agrarian reform and land regularization, especially Law 13.465/17. It analyzes a trend of reconcentration of land in Brazil, which can be felt mainly from 2016 onwards with the Temer government, and the existence of a combination of economic forces, marked by agribusiness, and policies, the basis of which is the ruralist how these forces compete and use agri-strategies to widen the agricultural frontier in response to the capitalist interests represented by the large landowners and the market, removing rights from the people who are expelled from the land because of this process and contributing to the environmental imbalance, such as deforestation. It also deals with the transition from the agrarian reform policy, consolidated by the Federal Constitution of 1988, to that of land regularization in accordance with Law 13.465/17, and the radical changes in the field policies that this passage brings about, in which the principle of social function is being replaced by the idea of ownership, efficiency and service to the interests of the market.

As transformações do sistema agroalimentar a partir de meados do século XX causaram grandes impactos nas relações entre a produção e o consumo de alimentos levando a um distanciamento entre estas esferas. Esta desconexão ficou evidente tanto nos discursos e práticas dos movimentos sociais quanto nas análises sociológicas. Contudo, a partir da década de 80, observa-se o que tem sido chamado de consumption turn, ou seja, um redirecionamento do interesse da teoria social para a esfera do consumo, inclusive nos Estudos Rurais, contestando a visão produtivista dominante nas Ciências Sociais. Entretanto, os esforços teóricos de analisar estes dois campos de forma simétrica ainda são limitados, apesar das inúmeras experiências de construção de redes entre agricultores e consumidores, que buscam conectar produção e consumo alimentar através da construção de mercados alternativos e cadeias curtas. Diversos movimentos de consumidores politizados vêm aderindo à causa rural e da agricultura familiar, como parte dos processos de politização do consumo, da alimentação e da comida. Paralelamente, movimentos sociais do campo, em resistência ao agronegócio e visando a construção de mercados, passam a reconhecer os consumidores como seus aliados. Nesse sentido, o objetivo central do presente projeto de pesquisa é analisar como se dão as (re)conexões produtores e consumidores dentro da experiência da agricultura familiar e seus produtos, tendo como base o estudo em particular das perspectivas dos movimentos sociais do campo associados à agricultura de base familiar sobre o consumidor politizado. Dessa forma, os processos de (re)conexões desencadeados por esses movimentos sociais no campo que através da mediação da alimentação e da comida vêm buscando se (re)conectar com os consumidores configuram o objeto de pesquisa. Dentre as justificativas para seu desenvolvimento, está o interesse em discutir a virada para o consumo dos movimentos sociais do campo com vistas ao atual cenário político brasileiro de fragilidade e insegurança em relação à continuidade das políticas públicas para a agricultura familiar. Busca-se com esta pesquisa investigar os processos de consolidação de alianças, compromissos e solidariedades entre agricultores familiares e consumidores politizados, bem como as tensões e negociações inerentes a esses processos. Para tanto, propõe-se uma pesquisa qualitativa baseada em observação participante e entrevistas em profundidade com lideranças de movimentos sociais do campo associados à agricultura de base familiar. Com isso, pretende-se refletir sobre as estratégias e os arranjos utilizados por eles quando o consumidor passa a ser reconhecido enquanto aliado e ator político. Espera-se, com esta pesquisa, contribuir para o debate sobre os desafios e as potencialidades das (re)conexões dos processos que acontecem desde “dentro da porteira” até “fora do armazém” e trazer contribuições dos Estudos do Consumo e da Sociologia da Alimentação para a Sociologia Rural, ampliando o diálogo interdisciplinar.

Modern Nation-States constitution was marked by the establishment of the Official Nation politics, bourgeois and centralist. According to Mikhail Bakunin this EmpireStates politics was founded on the conquest and exploitation of peoples-nations and the working class, which represented the main pole of resistance to this process of theological-centralist domination over nature and society. In this research we analyze how the center-periphery relations and the Internal Colonialism in Europe shaped the political thoughts of Mikhail Bakunin and how they were at the base of the main divergences of the popular-labor movement XIX century.We also sought to understand how Bakunin articulated an anarchist interpretation of the National Question that questioned the Historical Right of States and the State Policy present in the social and national movements of the period, pointing out how such questions ended up integrating in different ways the imperial politics of the period , both the industrialism of the German Social-Democracy, and the different nationalisms, mazzinista and pan-eslavist.

Studying the Bolsa Familia Program (PBF) and understanding conditionalities as a strategy to break the intergenerational cycle of poverty, based on a reflection of the multidimensional vision of poverty, a theory defended by Amartya Sen, is the central object of the research. The field studied will be the PBF and the conditionalities, having as central concern the perception of the managers, the teams that accompany the families and the families themselves about the program. To carry out the field research, we selected the municipality of Caraguatatuba, in the State of São Paulo. The study will address some visions of poverty and coping strategies, with PBF conditionalities as the focal point. From this, it will contextualize the importance of the theme in the public policy agenda in Brazil, trying to understand the multiple political meanings of conditionalities based on two principles: 1) reinforce the expansion of public services (health, education and social assistance) to excluded sectors of the population; and 2) to make beneficiaries aware of their citizenship rights.

In this investigation we will look at Consea-Rio, trying to understand how the issue of Food and Nutrition Security (SAN) is problematized in the city of Rio de Janeiro. We will try to understand the importance of the theme in the reality of the municipality, as well as to understand how the municipal reality is reflected in the dynamics of the Council. As the creation of Consea-Rio is not detached from the trajectory of the institutionalization of the theme of food security at the national level. Whenever possible, we will try to look also at the processes in the federal plan. We understand that this Council is, at the same time, the end in a process, in the sense that goes from the national scale, passing through the states until arriving in the municipalities, and the beginning, that are the same actions in municipal scale. The paper also seeks to emphasize that Food and Nutrition Security (SAN) should be understood from a broad perspective and encompasses different axes, encompassing class, gender and race classifications, as well as spatial scales (cities, neighborhoods, places etc.).

The appropriation of land, territories and natural resources is an element that marks the 'development' of Brazilian agriculture since the colonial time. In West Bahia, the intensification of monopoly and external control of land and natural resources is driven by the process of expanding borders and modernizing agriculture, especially since the 1980s, which culminates in the consolidation and territorialization of agribusiness in the region from the 2000s. More recently, with the 2008 crisis, it is perceived the intensification of the appropriation of lands, waters and natural resources process, with the perspective of commodity production for the global market. The analyzes supported by the land grabbing and water grabbing concepts state that after the 2008 financial, alimentary (food price inflation) and energy crisis, there is a significant expansion in demand for land, water and natural resources in countries exporters of primary genres, such as Brazil, which eventually warms the land market, including on a global scale, and causes an increase in the price of land-related assets, such as water. This context manifests specificities with the implementation of the Matopiba PDA (Portuguese for Agricultural Development Plan of Matopiba), which represents, in West Bahia, a “new” cycle of border expansion. It has a fundamental support in the appropriation of water, since this region is located in the Cerrado - the main water reserve of the country. In this sense, the present work aimed to analyze the role of water appropriation by agribusiness companies in their territorialization in the Cerrado biome of West Bahia, considering mainly the period of implementation of the Matopiba PDA (2015-2018). For this, it was used as a case study the city of Correntina, Bahia, seeking to identify the main strategies used by companies to appropriate the water, understanding how agribusiness uses these strategies in the process of construction of water control, what the main interests involved are, and the conflicts provoked. In addition, it was possible to analyze the interface between water appropriation, territorial appropriation, border expansion and agribusiness territorialization in the region under study.

The term Guarani is a category that encompasses many ethnic singularities, such as the Mbya, the Ava, the Nhandeva, the Tupi and the Kaiowa, occupying various territories in Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay. This work is dedicated to the study of the Mbya, residents in the villages located on the Southern coast of the State of Rio de Janeiro and in a village on the North coast of São Paulo. The focus of the research is the territorialization processes undertaken over the decades of 70, 80 and 90 by the mentioned group. The stage for such processes were the profound political, economic, cultural and social changes that occurred in the Costa Verde and North Paulista regions, especially  with  the  construction  of  the  Rio-Santos  highway  in  the  1970s.  The  process  of territorializationongoing  through  the  decades  that  followed  1970  is  the  starting  point  for  the developed reflection. Its pointed out that throughout the struggle for the territory the Guarani build their  networks  of  alliances  with  white  people  and  with  other  indigenous  people,  in  a  similar situation  of  litigation  for  land  in  the  coveted  areas  of  the  Atlantic  Forest.  Nowadays,  the mobilization of the Guarani is marked by the circulation and activation of interethnic networks, leading the way in political struggles for land, health, education, sanitation, etc., as an indigenous ethnic  group,  or  as  a  traditional  community  at  The  framework  of  the  Forum  of  Traditional Indigenous  Communities –FCT.  This  work  demonstrates  that  coastal  walks  have  become  the driving force of ethnic-political mobilizations and through them constitute themselves as vectors for the promotion of diverse exchanges and for the intensification of kinship relations.

This thesis discusses the processes of permanence of young people in rural areas of the Far West of Santa Catarina. The objective of the research is to understand how the construction of social representations subsidizes and interferes in the decision processes of these social actors. Over the past decade, youth permanency rates in rural areas have increased significantly. Analyzing, therefore, the representations in relation to these scenarios and reflecting on the imaginary and on the accessed perceptions is a useful tool to better understand which rurality and which society is taking place in contemporary times. The research was based on the collection of questionnaires and interviews, as well as ethnographic monitoring. With this information, it can be considered that rural young people make a positive representation of the rural environment, based on the complimentary perception of their working conditions, income and tranquility. When pondering on urbanity, they format negative representations, linked to the pace of life, lack of autonomy and risk. These perspectives allow us to verify that rurality is taken as a life project, of which family, generational, gender, income and protagonism relations are central elements. Stimulating family and social dialogue on youth issues is necessary to improve life prospects in rural areas.

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Brazilian armed organizations - inspired by the Chinese and Cuban Revolutions - attempted to advance a revolutionary process by mobilizing peasants to engage in rural guerrilla groups against the military dictatorship of the time. This thesis analyzes the relationship between the militants of these organizations and the peasants they attempted to mobilize. The questions that guide the research are the following: what was the nature of the communicative interaction between the militants and the peasants; how did militants present their proposals for armed revolution; what role did emotions play in the peasants' decision to engage in the guerrilla project; how did militant clandestinity impact their interaction with local populations, and what were the effects of the adoption of a Leninist perspective by the militants on their interaction with peasants and how did landlessness affected this context? Among the main inspirations for this work are the contributions of Paulo Freire and Jesus Martin-Barbero on communication; James Jasper and Helena Flam on emotions; Donatela Della Porta on clandestinity; Oliver Fillieule, Julieta Quirós, Marcelo Kunrath Silva and Bianca Ruskowski on engagement; Eric Wolf and James Scott on the relationship between peasantry and revolution. The thesis investigates the experiences of the National Liberation Command (Comando de Libertação Nacional - Colina) in Cachoeiras de Macacu/RJ; the Revolutionary Armed Vanguard Palmares (Vanguarda Armada Revolucionária Palmares - VAR-Palmares), in Imperatriz/MA; the Revolutionary Movement of October, 8th (Movimento Revolucionário Oito de Outubro - MR-8) in Brotas de Macaúbas/BA; and the Popular Action (Ação Popular - AP), in Livramento de Nossa Senhora/BA and region. The research uses oral history, bibliographic, and documentary analysis as a methodological approach to compare and analyze selected cases. The results of the research indicate that, despite the effort of the militants to become close to the peasants, generally the cultural differences led the latter to distrust the former. The various forms of assistance provided by militants contributed to the production of reciprocal emotions of friendship and loyalty, as well as to the process of engagement of some groups of peasants. 

The present research seeks to understand the environmental issues experienced by the residents of the community of Grota do Surucucu, Niterói-RJ, based on interactions promoted by the action of an NGO (Ecomagente Project). It seeks to list a repertoire of relationships between residents and interveners, which involves frictions between ideas, values and interests, using the notions of “interface” and “epistemic communities” of Long (2001). With a focus on social actors, the research reveals the different meanings and practices about the environment that imply relationships of sociability specific to a livelihood. The focus of this analysis is oriented to the cognitive content that involves the cultivation of plants and animal creations, considering how these practices are inserted in the daily life and juxtaposed in time/space with small dumps, lack of sanitary sewage, among other issues. With this, the research intends to discuss how the environmental issue is (res)signified in relation to the specificities of the slum, both by interactional processes and by the relationship of the residents with their environment.

The concept of Localized Agrofood Systems, (SIAL), a new approache to rural development centred on the territory arose in France in the 1990s. This approach epxperienced important evolutions and spread to Latin America and Europe, with the aim of being, in addition a theoretical tool, an instrument for public policies. This dissertation provides a state of the arts map of the theoretical debates around  SIALs and an analysis of the institutionalities of their creation and expansion, especially in Latin America and Brasil.

This research is part of efforts to reflect on the current process of consolidation of indigenous organizations in indigenous and indigenist politics. These legally and formally constituted and indigenous-led organizations have grown exponentially since the 1990s and have now experienced an increasing degree of institutional strengthening and articulation. In particular, I observed this dynamic in operation regarding access to and use of the resources of the Amazon Fund, one of the central initiatives of international environmental cooperation, which has become an important source of resources for the implementation of environmental and indigenist public policies. Currently, the Amazon Fund has approximately R$ 139 million committed to a set of 13 projects that allocate resources and execute actions on 83 indigenous lands in the Amazon. This portfolio of projects, as well as the issues that their existence raises, are the objects of the present investigation. The motivation of the research came from the fact that, from this set of projects, two are executed by indigenous organizations, and that this situation has been put in check in the face of the demand for the "direct support" of the Amazon Fund, so that the resources could be accessed and executed directly by indigenous organizations as well this demand has been covered by the narrative of the promotion of indigenous autonomy. In the course of the research, I detail the reflection on indigenous organizations and what roles, narratives and demands they evoke, discussing indigenism in the twentieth century and the transformations regarding the insertion of indigenous peoples into the national society up to the trajectory of the two indigenous organizations that achieved the approval of projects with the Amazon Fund – Associação Apiwxta e Associação Floresta Protegida. I also discuss the antecedents that contextualize the insertion of the Amazon Fund in the Brazilian “indigenismo” configuration, exposing the circumstances of its existence and functioning, and perceiving how it takes on an important role of financier of the implementation of the Política Nacional de Gestão Territorial e Ambiental de Terras Indígenas (PNGATI).

I took as object of study the case of the rural settlement Palmares II, located in the municipality of Parauapebas, southeast of Pará and region of Carajás. I tried to investigate the social effects on the settlement of agribusinesses, especially industrial mining. Demonstrating how the experience of agrarian reform in the Amazon is being marked by recent changes in the legal framework and how these transformations are reconfiguring traditional, peasant and environmental territorialities and temporalities. Focusing on the individual and collective experiences of the subjects living in Palmares II, I identified and reflected on the pressures derived, directly or indirectly, from the advance of the agro-mining businesses that now fall on the settlement. I believe that the examination of the case of Palmares II provided elements that contribute to reflect on the possibilities and limitations for the development of the rural settlements of the Brazilian Amazon in the current context of expansion of agro-mining businesses in the region

Biodiversity conservation is currently an important topic of debate and its elaboration contains a wide range of approaches and perspectives on the best ways to achieve it. In this thesis we seek to recognize some dimensions of the relations between knowledge and power that cross the theme of biodiversity conservation, especially in issues related to the inclusion / exclusion of populations living in and around Protected Areas. Operating trough Foucauldian tools, we analise, the historical processes of constitution of different interrelated themes such as biodiversity conservation, indigenous emergencies in northeastearn Brazil and the struggles for territory in contemporary Latin America, trying to recognize the links between the forms of legitimation and enunciation of the discourses and the actions practiced by the actors. Based on these elaborations, we carry out an analysis of environmental narratives in a specific territorial context, in order to recognize concrete approximations and distances between different discourses on biodiversity conservation. The geographic settings of this research is conformed by the areas administratively delimited by the Brazilian State as Tupinambá Indigenous Land of Olivença, and two Protected Areas, the Una Biological Reserve (REBIO UNA) and the Una Wildlife Refuge (REVIS UNA), both Federal Conservation Units. By exploring in more detail the production of these territories, we gradually open the scope from the perspective of its administrative dimension. In the case of the indigenous land, following the indigenous territorial trajectories, we try to recognize the actions in the present, and updates of the past, that are part of the Tupinambá de Olivença ethnic emergency process. In the case of PAs, we focus on the articulations and social legitimations that underpinned the installation of these conservation territories as well as other actions for conservation, highlighting the role of the NGO Institute of Socio-environmental Studies of the South of Bahia (IESB) and partner institutions in this process. Accompanying authors of Political Ecology, we present the causes and solutions proposed for the shared problem of the degradation of biodiversity in two environmental narratives, which we will call ‘indigenous’ and ‘environmental’. Regarding the indigenous narrative, aspects related to the ethnic emergence of the Tupinambá of Olivença are addressed, and the central of ‘retakes’ and struggles for demarcation in the constitution of practices and discourses linked to the ‘protection of nature’. On the other hand, the set of discursive materials that conform the environmental narrative highlights the scientific character of the justifications and forms of legitimation of the proposed solutions, in it’s relations to what has been established as a ‘bioregional paradigm’. Although it has been possible to recognize an asymmetrical alterity between the narratives, we emphasize that both challenge dominant perspectives that lack an environmental sensitivity on the management of land and natural resources, even if in different measures and in different ways.