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This dissertation results from a critical analysis of the memories associated with Mariana Grajales Cuello, a Black woman who became a symbol of Cuban womanhood and a protagonist in the political struggles for the island’s independence beginning in 1868. Popularly, Grajales is still recognized by her compatriots as the “Mother of the Homeland.” More specifically, the study of the Grajales case seeks to understand the processes involved in constructing the memory surrounding this figure, taking into account the disputes related to the formation of the Cuban national memory pantheon in different contexts, such as the independence movement in the mid-nineteenth century and the Cuban Revolution in the mid-twentieth century. The theoretical framework draws on studies of the construction of collective memory and national identity, informed by reflections on intersectionality. The methodology encompasses a diverse set of sources, ranging from correspondence and biographical texts to monuments and symbols that represent the figure under study

This research analyzed the intellectual production of José Marianno Filho (1881-1946) between 1920 and 1940 and compared it with the way he was portrayed by the historiography of Brazilian architecture in the 20th century. The study was based on the hypothesis that this historiography was deeply influenced by the perspective of architect Lucio Costa (1902-1998), thus generating a series of distortions of architectural subjects and movements that disagreed with the modernist narrative. The objective was to examine the written work of José Marianno Filho and understand his thinking, recognizing the impact of the dissemination of Lucio Costa's perspective on the historiographical production of 20th-century Brazilian architecture. To this end, a comparative analysis was carried out between the portrayal of Marianno according to the classics of Brazilian architectural historiography and the content of his written work. Roger Chartier's notions of “representation” and “cultural practices” were added to the analysis in order to understand how Marianno's image was constructed in the history of architecture in the 20th century. It was found that the historiography of this segment mainly emphasized Marianno's role as a patron and defender of the Neocolonial Movement, largely omitting his intellectual production. It was also demonstrated that his contributions to the field of architectural criticism, in addition to being pioneering, found resonance after the 1960s, when criticism of Modernism began around the world. Finally, Marianno's most controversial and problematic discourses were exposed, seeking to offer a more comprehensive view of the critic and opening the door to new historical perspectives. 

This paper analyzes the discourse of the newspaper O Estado de S. Paulo regarding the end of the Soviet Union between 1990 and 1991, based on the newspaper's editorials. The research is grounded in Norman Fairclough's Critical Discourse Analysis, understanding discourse as a dialectical social practice, simultaneously constitutive and constituted by social reality. As a methodological resource, the concept of intertextuality is used to examine the different voices present in journalistic discourse and their uses. The analysis is also articulated with Antonio Gramsci's studies on newspapers as private apparatuses of hegemony and with Roland Barthes' concept of "myth" understood as a linguistic-ideological tool. The work seeks to answer the following questions: what political projects and worldviews were defended by O Estado de S. Paulo in the context of the dissolution of the USSR and its repercussions in Brazil? What meanings were attributed to the leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev and the rise of Boris Yeltsin? How did the newspaper present the configuration of the post-Cold War international system under US unipolarity? Finally, it investigates whether there was strict adherence to the so-called New World Order or whether it was presented with reservations. In short, the research analyzes the end of the USSR as an enabling event for narratives and practices of power in journalistic discourse. The research demonstrated the presence of a pro-market economy ethos throughout the analyzed period. This discursive practice followed an anti-communist mark materialized in the ethos of Soviet threat used rhetorically to defend, to the Brazilian government and its foreign ministry, policies convergent with the United States and the International Monetary Fund. Furthermore, it was shown that the analyzed discourse was a "mythical speech" insofar as it used the form of defending freedom, but defended a sense of a single possible vision of History through a process of naturalizing the end of the Soviet state and a purported depoliticization of its propositions, while silencing other voices and political views from the Brazilian reader.

This paper aims to analyze the process that culminated in the founding of the Democratic Labour Party (PDT), as well as the program adopted by the party and its performance in the 1982 elections, with emphasis on the case of Rio de Janeiro. To this end, we will begin by discussing the general context of Brazilian politics, which at the time was undergoing a "top-down" transition led by the dictatorship. Our focus will be on the amnesty and party reform that, among other things, paved the way for new parties to be organized in Brazil. Following this, we will follow the party project led by Leonel Brizola, who, from 1977 onwards, while still in exile, began to work towards the founding of a new Brazilian Labour Party (PTB). We will see that important support was obtained abroad, such as from exiled Brazilians and organizations gathered in the Socialist International (SI). Finally, we will address the work done on Brazilian soil, demonstrating the activities carried out here in support of the PTB. One of the important points in this journey is the legal dispute with former congresswoman Ivete Vargas over the PTB (Brazilian Labour Party) acronym. At that time, the Brizola supporters ended up losing, consequently having to found a new party, named the Democratic Labour Party (PDT). Later, we will analyze the programmatic proposals presented by the PDT, summarized in the term "moreno socialism," coined by Darcy Ribeiro. Furthermore, we will evaluate the performance of the PDT in the 1982 elections, which constituted the party's first electoral challenge. Taking the state of Rio as the focus of analysis, we will see that the PDT obtained a significant vote, winning the state government and becoming the largest political force in the local Legislative Assembly (Alerj).

This dissertation aims to highlight witchcraft practices as part of the agency of gender identity performance based on the inquisitorial processes of three women, these being defendants: Catarina da Ribeira (1637), Maria Vaz (1641) and Luiza Maria (1668), in Portugal throughout the 17th century. Furthermore, we propose to identify, from these three particular cases and the onomastic method, how the religious practices and heterodoxies undertaken by these women allowed a kind of agency in their unfavorable context in which these three witches were inserted, guaranteeing their survival and subsistence. Thus, we found that, although informal sociability and mutual aid networks were particularly characterized by being limited and ambiguous, some urban witches employed these magical-superstitious practices as a profession, constituting a network of clientele around themselves. Furthermore, other individual trajectories and inquisitorial processes were also consulted in order to obtain a broader overview of the female condition and the elaboration of their strategies for daily resistance and ways of obtaining autonomy.

This dissertation analyzes representations of the 1932 São Paulo Uprising produced by the press in Resende, Rio de Janeiro. Its aim is to understand how the newspapers A Lyra and A Opinião reported on, interpreted, and sought to ascribe meaning to the movement, identifying the terminology employed, pro-São Paulo or pro-government positions, and the effects of the war on Resende society. The research adopts a historical and qualitative approach based on an examination of issues published throughout 1932, considered alongside memoirs, Getúlio Vargas’s official speeches, legislation, statistical data, and specialized scholarship. It first discusses Resende’s historical development and geographical centrality, as well as historiographical interpretations of the movem ent’s political, economic, and regional motivations. It then investigates press coverage before the conflict, during the months of hostilities, and in the postwar period, with particular attention to the military occupation of the city, censorship, the circulation of information, care for the wounded and prisoners, and local social and economic effects. The findings show that, although the newspapers recognized constitutionalization as a legitimate demand, they consistently rejected armed action and aligned themselves with the rhetoric of the Provisional Government. expressions such as “rebellion,” “insurrection,” and “fratricidal struggle” were used to delegitimize São Paulo’s epic narrative, while Getúlio Vargas and the legalist forces were frequently associated with order, pacification, and national reconstruction. Nevertheless, this alignment did not preclude criticism of censorship, attacks on press free dom, and certain government policies. A comparison of official discourse, the Resende press, and the São Paulo press reveal an intense war of narratives in which concepts such as revolution, uprising, rebellion, and constitutionalism functioned as instruments of political legitimation and mobilization. The dissertation concludes that the newspapers analyzed acted simultaneously as historical sources and agents, contributing to the legitimation of a predominantly pro-government discourse on 1932. Resende’s perspective also reveals how a national conflict was experienced in the city’s everyday life and demonstrates that interpretations of the movement remain shaped by terminological, political, and symbolic disputes.

This thesis analyzes pajelança cabocla, an Afro-Indigenous healing practice, from the
perspective of gender and the power asymmetries that permeated popular healing
between the 1890s and 1930s in Belém, Pará. The central objective is to investigate how
the hygienist project of the time instrumentalized legal and media apparatuses to
criminalize pajelança and how this discursive and judicial operation selectively
imposed the stigma based on gender patterns, promoting persecution of female
healers/pajés in contrast to their male counterparts. The study adopts an intersectional
approach, considering the categories of gender, race, and class, and uses the Pará press
and judicial records from the District of Belém as sources. The methodology employs
Discourse Analysis, grounded in Foucault and decolonial theory. The results
demonstrate that the criminalization of pajelança was not just a clash for medical
hegemony, but an operation of social control and epistemic violence, in which the
popular care exercised by racialized and poor women was converted into transgression
and the stigma of "sorceress," while male pajés showed a greater capacity for agency
and negotiation with power structures. It is concluded that the repression of pajelança
during the period was a systematic project that policed gender boundaries, disciplining
bodies and knowledge to ensure the maintenance of the patriarchal and hygienist order.

This dissertation analyzes the historiographical production devoted to the work and activities of Friar Bernardino de Sahagún, a sixteenth-century Franciscan missionary, by examining the different interpretations constructed around his figure within the context of the evangelization of New Spain. Situated within the fields of Colonial Latin American History and the History of Historiography, the study aims to understand how Sahagún has been appropriated by distinct historiographical traditions from the nineteenth to the twenty-first centuries and how these readings reflect broader debates on conquest, colonization, conversion, and Indigenous agency. The research adopts a historiographical methodology, combining the analysis of Sahagún’s own writings—particularly the Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva España—with historical studies, critical essays, and interpretations produced in diverse intellectual and political contexts. The analysis demonstrates that the reception of Sahagún’s work did not follow a linear or cumulative trajectory, but rather was marked by discontinuities, silences, and reinterpretations, giving rise to multiple images of the friar: the Franciscan committed to catechesis, the censored author, the intellectual appropriated by Mexican nationalist projects, the cultural mediator, and the forerunner of ethnographic practices. The results indicate that these representations were closely connected to shifts in historiographical approaches and to changing political and academic sensibilities regarding the colonial past, particularly concerning Indigenous peoples and the violence inherent in the process of conquest. It is concluded that debates surrounding Friar Bernardino de Sahagún remain central to understanding the constitutive tensions of the American colonial experience and to critically reflecting on the writing of history in the present.

This thesis analyzes the Convent of Santa Teresa in Rio de Janeiro between 1781 and 1833, investigating the role of the nuns in institutional formation, internal administration, and the development of convent patrimony. The study examines the women who composed the so-called “four first generations” of nuns, a category created by the religious community itself, interpreting it as a tool for constructing institutional memory and affirming symbolic continuity based on the figure of Jacinta de São José, regarded as the convent’s founder. Analysis of the sources reveals that convent memory produced a selective narrative that privileged certain individuals and events, reinforcing Jacinta’s centrality while downplaying the prominence of other prioresses. At the same time, it established a generational succession grounded in religious profession. The research also investigates the relationships between prioresses and various male authorities, both ecclesiastical and secular, such as bishops, syndics, procurators, and visitors, highlighting the existence of a complex system of control and surveillance over convent life. From a gender perspective and through the analysis of administrative and legal documentation, the study identifies forms of female agency in the management of religious life, the daily governance of the cloister, and institutional negotiations with authorities and external agents. Furthermore, the thesis examines the functioning of the convent economy, demonstrating that the maintenance of the community depended on multiple sources of income, including dowries, stipends, donations, and the sale of goods produced by the nuns, as well as a significant set of real estate operations, such as leases, emphyteusis contracts, ground rents, transfer fees, and rentals, which contributed to the formation and consolidation of the convent’s patrimony. The analysis of these practices reveals the institution’s integration into local networks of sociability and highlights the symbolic and material influence exercised by the convent over its urban surroundings. Finally, the study observes that the establishment of the Portuguese court in Rio de Janeiro from 1808 onward had an impact on the convent’s economy, particularly through the occupation of convent properties by the Crown and delays in payments made by the Royal Treasury. It concludes that the Convent of Santa Teresa constituted a space of interaction between religious power, political authority, and legal practices, in which the nuns exercised significant forms of administrative, economic, and symbolic agency, despite being subject to structures of control and to the social and political transformations of Rio de Janeiro society between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

The Basic Education Movement (MEB) was created in March 1961, at the initiative of the
Catholic Church in partnership with the Federal Government. The historiographical analysis
shows a dearth of studies on the leading role played by rural workers within the movement
and their contribution to the rural unionism in Alagoas. Considering that, this research aims to
contribute to studies on the MEB in the state and its complex regional and national relations.
In the Archdiocese of Maceió, the movement took place in 1962, linked to the launch of
Rádio Educadora Palmares, which is a local radio station. In a sense, its development,
especially its infrastructure, was linked to the Basic Education Programme for the northern
region of Alagoas. The central argument put forward is that the MEB was devised as a
strategy to curb the expansion of the Peasants’ Leagues in the neighbouring state of
Pernambuco. Such expansion would have posed a direct threat both to the traditional
influence of the Church in rural areas and to its agricultural estates, thereby justifying the
choice of the Northern region as a pilot experiment. However, by shifting part of the Church’s
focus towards the lower classes, the socio-religious utopia of the MEB, initially grounded in
Christian personalism, privileged awareness and commitment to social transformation through
educational work amongst rural workers. In this regard, it is argued that, from 1963 onwards,
its educational approach linked political action with other spheres of social life, fostering a
class identity in opposition to the local agrarian bourgeoisie. In the wake of approaches such
as those of Edward P. Thompson and James Scott, the research distances itself from the
history of institutional policies by focusing on the understanding of the individual and
collective experiences of the subjects who formed the MEB. The analysis seeks to uncover the
socio-religious values and the vision of society that guided their social practices. It is based on
the premise that the everyday experiences of these student-workers were not neutralised by
the dominant ideology but were instead marked by tensions that created fissures in hegemony.
This research allows us to analyse the experiences of sections of the working class, especially
rural workers, as well as their practices and political organisation within trade unions as acts
of resistance against the age-old system of large-scale landownership and exploitation in the
countryside. Drawing on extensive documentation held at the Maceió Metropolitan Curia

Archive (ACMM) and making use of Oral History, this research aims to achieve what
Thompson and Christopher Hill defined as “history from below”. Therefore, an analysis is
carried out from the historiographical method, within the framework of the History from
below and the Social History of Religions, on the political resistance of rural workers in
Alagoas, more specifically in the social sphere that constitutes the Archdiocese of Maceió,
between 1962 and 1968.

This dissertation examines the militias of Black men in the city of Rio de Janeiro between 1766 and 1831. Originally established in Pernambuco during the Luso-Dutch Wars of the seventeenth century, these militias - also known as the Henriques, in honor of their founder, Henrique Dias - remained active for an extended period in several captaincies of Portuguese America, including Bahia, São Paulo, Minas Gerais, and Rio de Janeiro, while experiencing significant numerical growth throughout the eighteenth century. The recruitment of Africans and their descendants, whether enslaved, freed, or free-born, can be identified across different territories of the Portuguese overseas empire. This study investigates the institutionalization of these militias over time in Rio de Janeiro, the composition of their officer corps and the life trajectories of its members, and the ways in which these military units, composed of Africans and their descendants, became, during the nineteenth century, a key arena for struggles aimed at institutional reforms capable of expanding access to the highest ranks of the officer corps. Finally, it examines how, with the creation of the National Guard in 1831, the military system that had previously been organized according to the racial classification of its members was abolished.

This research will analyze the political ideas of Francisco Salles Torres Homem, presented in the newspaper O Independente between 1832 and 1833, while recognizing Torres Homem's trajectory as a man of color and from a modest family, as he faced the challenges imposed by the racial hierarchies of nineteenth-century Rio de Janeiro. 
The Regency Period, marked by the abdication of Dom Pedro I, provided an environment of political decentralization that stimulated debates and public manifestations, especially through the press, which became the stage for disputes between the political factions of exalted liberals, moderates and restorers. At the same time, Enlightenment ideas and news of the French, En glish, American and Haitian Revolutions reached Brazil, inspiring debates around the ideas of freedom, citizenship, civil and political rights.
As a young intellectual who had recently graduated in medicine, Torres Homem had access to anti-slavery and Enlightenment ideas and was informed about revolutionary events around the world. He took advantage of the flexibilization of the public space available in the press to express himself politically as a moderate liberal, using the pages of O Independente  to present his plans for the future of the country.

This Dissertation proposes to discuss the phenomenon of a revolution - determinedly influenced by anarchism - from the perspective of the national question. Taking place in the Ukrainian South and East between 1917 and – at least – 1920, the revolution in question and its relationship with the national ques tion will be investigated through two paths: the discursive and the practical. Throughout the chapters, however, theoretical and conceptual issues, anarchism, the Makhnovist Revolution, their antecedents and their context will be developed before the central problem of the research is properly addressed.

A fundação da monarquia ptolomaica, a instituição do culto de Sarapis e a fundação de Alexandria são eventos historicamente interligados, desde o surgimento histórico   Esses três fenômenos são contemporâneos e seguem conectados desde sua origem até o final da dinastia ptolomaica. Nesse sentido, o objetivo do trabalho é analisar, dentro de um cenário cosmopolita e multicultural, como os ptolomeus, em especial Ptolomeu I Sóter, se desfizeram dos Serápis, por meio de   dos templos e dos sacerdotes como caminhos ou canais de comunicação e mediação, para a aquisição de legitimidade política perante uma população culturalmente tão diferente da sua. Assim, vemos Sarapis como uma divindade com objetivos políticos que servirá como instrumento ideológico para ajustar a população autóctone egípcia aos novos governantes, concebendo para estes uma atmosfera de continuidade com o passado faraônico, e não de ruptura.

This research analyzes the contributions of Ancient Egypt to the modern world, with a particular focus on its religious influence. Beginning in 1955, with the publication of The African Origin of Civilization: Myth or Reality by Senegalese historian, philosopher, linguist, and physicist Cheikh Anta Diop, various African intellectuals—later identified as Pan-Africanists, Egyptocentrists, Afrocentrists, or Vindicationists—began to argue that Pharaonic Egypt was a Black civilization that profoundly shaped the religious imagination of the ancient world. Diop’s theses inaugurated a new paradigm within post-war Pan-African thought, giving rise to what became known as Diopian thought. To this day, this paradigm remains central to historians studying the contributions of Pharaonic Egypt to other civilizations, its racial origins, and its relationships with the rest of the African continent. Among the topics that most captivated Diop and his successors is the relationship between Egypt and the Judeo-Christian symbolic universe. This research demonstrates that this interest extends beyond a mere search for historical connections; it reflects a broader epistemological dispute. Since the 19th century, the cultural, scientific, and intellectual legitimacy of African peoples has been a recurring theme in Western thought. Within this context, the claim that Egypt served as the matrix of the Judeo-Christian religious imagination represents, for Pan-African intellectuals, a means of repositioning Africa within universal history, granting it a central status and a privileged voice.

The imaginary about the Middle Ages permeates contemporary times. Through multiple associations, interpretations, reconstructions, contemporary times seek to recapture a dreamed idea, in constant change, of the Middle Ages. The field of study of neomedievalism fits as a theoretical lens of great merit in the perspective of critical study of these reconstructions. The contemporary movement for the revitalization of Historical European Martial Arts is configured as a practical activity resulting from the interpretation of historical sources such as: treaties and medieval manuscripts that contain, in their text, martial fighting techniques with blades. Historical European Martial Arts are an example, and auspicious, object of study through the lens of neomedievalism. This work aims to understand the uses undertaken regarding the symbolic category of the Middle Ages within the scope of practice in the city of Rio de Janeiro, as well as verifying possible links between the contemporary revitalization movement of European Historical Martial Arts and the diffusion of far-right groups.

This paper seeks to analyze the trajectories of Carmelita Brasil Monteiro and Stella de Queiroz Pinheiro, both elected councilors for the municipalities of Nova Iguaçu and Nilópolis in the immediate postwar period. To this end, we understand that the former councilors forged networks of relationships based on their involvement in areas of activity valued by sectors linked to citrus farming and that, during the first decades of the 20th century, they were concerned with strengthening the discourse of citrus capital as the producer of a modern and well-equipped Nova Iguaçu. The new urban and social apparatuses also served to expand the scope of action for women, who, at that point, transcended the limits of private life. Our time frame is based on the period between 1945 and 1950, during which Carmelita Brasil and Stella de Queiroz joined the ranks of the Social Democratic Party, a pro-government party. The chosen context, however, did not prevent us from moving back and forth in time to better understand the context and trajectories of our characters. This dissertation is structured in three chapters. In the first, we address the political and economic landscape of Nova Iguaçu during the first half of the 20th century, marked by the concern of sectors linked to citrus farming to strengthen the discourse of a modern and civilized Nova Iguaçu as a result of citrus capital, which returned to the district headquarters through investments in education, leisure, and urban reforms. Iguaçu women advanced in new social spaces—such as the press and association clubs—and, through them, discussed feminism and female participation in public life. In the second chapter, we address the trajectories of former councilwomen based on their work in sectors valued by citrus discourse, such as social life and teaching. In the final chapter, we reflect on women's participation in institutional politics after winning the vote and the repercussions of the discussion on women's aptitude for politics, especially in Iguaçu. Next, we discuss the impact of the citrus crisis, the expansion of urban sprawl, and the first wave of emancipation in Nova Iguaçu on the 1947 municipal elections and the role of Carmelita and Stella as key figures in maintaining the PSD's political power in the region. Finally, we analyze the former councilwomen's performance in the Nova Iguaçu and Nilópolis City Councils during the 1947 and 1950 legislative terms.

The Malleus Maleficarum is considered one of the main inquisitorial manuals on the subject of witchcraft. Understanding that this manual is deeply rooted in theological and philosophical foundations, the hypothesis guiding this research was that the work could be seen as a product of the mentality of Heinrich Kramer, a Dominican inquisitor, situated within a troubled micro-context marked by local disputes and tensions in the application of the German Inquisition in the fifteenth century. Thus, the objective of this study was to understand the mechanisms of creation and the motivations behind this manual, through discourse analysis and gender relations, interpreting it as a reaffirmation of authority within the local sphere. Documentation related to the witchcraft trials of Innsbruck and Ravensburg will be used to substantiate and exemplify these local disputes, providing concrete evidence of the context in which the work was composed. In this setting, Kramer, amid a crisis of authority, sought to reaffirm his inquisitorial power by mobilizing the feminine as a central element to justify the persecution of women accused of witchcraft. The analysis of the second part of the work allows us to understand how Kramer, from his essentialist view of female nature, constructs the feminine as intrinsically dangerous and corrupt, embodied in the figure of the witch. From these analyses, we conclude that this construction reinforces his own necessity as an inquisitor, legitimizing his actions and decisions and demonstrating how the Malleus Maleficarum is the product of a troubled micro-context and of an inquisitor striving to reaffirm his authority through the use of gendered interpretations.

This present work has the primordial objective to discuss the samba projection in post-
abolition period and agency of the acting subjects. Will be problematized the concept of
cultural mediator and it will be bringing a new concept in this harvest named by Lurian Lima
as the mediation paradigm. Another important point will be the analysis of a type of writing
and the memorialist production regarding the role of mediators, having the example Noel
Rosa, which i personally call of “escrita noelesca”. A type of production made by samba
white scholars, made after death of Noel Rosa which put it in in contrast to his compositions
of Black musicians. Which have more in common with the white scholar’s production about
samba and the so-called popular music than necessarily the work of Noel Rosa. At all, it is
necessary to use sources that value the voice of those subjects that this type of production
undervalues, for example the Museu de Imagem e Som (MIS) reporters, articles from
newspapers and other independent producers of information. Another important source is the
own production of the noelesca writing, for example, the program of the radio broadcaster,
musician and journalist Almirante, “No tempo de Noel Rosa”. All these sources, associated
with the analysis method will corroborate with the work objective which is show how the
process of buying and selling of sambas, promoted by theses white "cultural mediators",
helped to secondary the black protagonism in the process of samba professionalization at the
same time that an attempt was made to whiting the style by leaving the so-called
mediators in evidence.

This study aims to investigate the Real Theatro de São João as a privileged space in the political sphere of Rio de Janeiro society between 1813 and 1824. This theatre, built in the context of the transfer of the Portuguese court to Rio de Janeiro, was part of the social life of the period, being the main cultural space and one of the first theatrical buildings in the city. The wealthiest members of society, and the royal family itself, frequented this theatre often, attending performances and festivities. However, far beyond its social importance, this theatre was the stage for various political celebrations during the reign of King João VI. Using periodicals from the period as our main source, we seek to understand how the Real Theatro de São João became one of the main political locus of the city, participating in the festivities and ceremonies of the Portuguese monarchy, and serving as a space for the political expression of Rio de Janeiro society.

This work analyzes historical denialism, with a focus on the Holocaust, as a practice of deliberate manipulation of collective memory. The research demonstrates that this phenomenon is not merely a distortion or an alternative interpretation, but rather a political and ideological movement aimed at rehabilitating authoritarian and antisemitic discourses. The study revisits the emblematic case of the legal battle between Deborah Lipstadt and David Irving, showing how the dispute transcends the academic field and reaches ethical, social, and political dimensions. It concludes that combating denialism requires more than exposing lies: it demands the affirmation of historical truth as a narrative resistant to manipulations, preserving memory as an instrument for the defense of democracy and human rights.

The following research analyzes the relationships that Brazilian scientists had with the structuring of nuclear policies in the country through the National Research Council (CNPq) in the period between 1951 and 1964. Based on the organization of data taken from the institution's Minutes and Annals, present in the CNPq Fund, at the Museum of Astronomy and Related Sciences (MAST), for the construction of the Prosopon base, it was observed that the actions of Brazilian scientists in the projection of a national nuclear industry involved the relationship between their positions of professor-researchers with those of a consultative and deliberative nature that they assumed in private and State institutions to carry out public policies aimed at science and technology. With Brazilian physicists at the forefront, mainly those from the University of Brazil (UB) and the University of São Paulo (USP), we were able to observe that the efforts made by these scientists to promote science as an ideal of civilizational progress converged with the interests of fractions of the Brazilian ruling class concerned with national economic modernization, with emphasis on nuclear energy as an alternative to underdevelopment. Thus, the political alignment between scientists and these sectors of the ruling class fed the developmental project that involved strengthening the scientific field, enabling the creation of institutions such as the Brazilian Center for Physical Research (CBPF) and the CNPq.

The research presented here sought to analyze the reflections made by Brazilian
guerrilla movements about their role in the armed struggle in different socio-spatial
places. Four distinct spaces were selected: the prison, the exile, the institutional spaces
of the alternative press and the space for the formation of the Workers' Party. It is
assumed that each of these spaces mentioned had an impact on the processes of review,
rearticulation and transformation of the proposals made by leftist organizations in Brazil
in the same way that the presence of militants of the armed struggle in these spaces also
affected the political constructions of these new spaces. We sought to specifically
analyze how the guerrillas read their armed actions as well as identify the moments in
which the proposed struggle or even the political ideology came to be questioned and
rearticulated in new ways. As it composes what can be understood as traumatic
memory, the choice was made to use a theoretical-methodological framework anchored
in the reflections of the History of the Present Time, inserting object and subject in the
same chronological space. Reflections on the relationship between History, Memory
and Trauma were also mobilized in order to promote a more diverse reflection on the
incidence of the multiple temporalities that emerged during the analysis.

This paper presents debates on the construction and operation of the Santa Cruz Public Slaughterhouse, Rio de Janeiro, between 1870 and 1920, and the conflicts about science, technology and politics to make it a Model Slaughterhouse, as promised by Emperor Pedro II. When analyzing these debates, we come across descriptions that
reveal concerns about public health, the introduction of new techniques and methods, hygienist and sanitary politics, and microscopic research. However, political collusion denied science and new techniques, preventing their introduction and putting the health of the population that consumes green meat at risk. The dispute for political and economic power between the imperial government, the City Council and the merchants transformed the first Industrial Slaughterhouse in Brazil, and a model for other municipalities, into a scenario of conflict, unhealthiness and disease. For this research, we selected newspapers from the period, minutes of the City Council, lawsuits and complaints from employees of the Slaughterhouse, industrial privileges and lease books of the Santa Cruz Farm, which allowed us to map and analyze various discourses that directly threatened public health.

This thesis aims to demonstrate that, between 1870 and 1888, through the use
of sophisticated rhetorical strategies—supported by a wide range of sources and direct
actions—the intellectuals of the so-called “Generation of 1870” played a decisive role in
blocking large-scale Chinese immigration projects to Brazil. These projects were then
perceived as the “lifeline” of the Imperial status quo. This research also seeks to explore
a dimension still underexamined in Brazilian historiography: the entanglement between
the abolitionist movement and the opposition to Chinese immigration. Finally, it
discusses how the so-called “Chinese question” fostered the development of a Brazilian
sinological knowledge, in synchrony with the formation of neocolonial academic
discourses in the 19th century.

This thesis investigates the characterizations attributed to dances practiced in Egypt in the second half of the 19th century, according to Eça de Queiroz’s travelogue, entitled “O Egito – Notas de Viagem”, and inserts itself into historiographical debates on orientalism, gender and colonialism. The study seeks to historicize the senses and meanings attributed by the author to Egyptian dances, considering the specificities of Portuguese orientalism and the gender dynamics present in the narrative. The research reveals how European domination contributed to the feminization of these dances and the consequent historical erasure of the men who also performed them, since their artistic practices did not align with European ideals of masculinity. Through discourse analysis, the thesis explores the symbolic and social disputes surrounding dancing bodies, the spaces they occupied and the meanings they produced, highlighting the relevance of dance as an object of historical study and its connection with power and identity relations in the colonial context.

The magazine Zanan (Women) was part of a series of publications aimed at women in the 1990s and early 2000s in Iran. After the government of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad ordered its closure in 2008, the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) in Paris compiled a series of articles and emblematic covers of Zanan published during the first decade of the 2000s. In 2009, the CNRS published the edition Zanan: le journal de l'autre Iran, with translations of the articles from Persian into French. The Persian magazine was shut down for being considered “too feminist,” yet its articles blended social, religious, political, and artistic issues concerning women and for women in the country. This research aims to investigate the existence of Iranian feminism as represented in the articles of Zanan and, thus, to explore women's activism in Iran before and after the 1979 Revolution.

This work aims to conduct a historical analysis of the process that led to the
transformation of the former political wings integrated into the interparty alliance —
União pelo Ceará — into the party-building movement of ARENA. In this regard, we
shall examine the main constitutive phases of this political engagement. First, we will
analyze the formation of the União pelo Ceará alliance in 1962 and its structural basis of
operation within the state legislature between 1962 and 1965. Then, we will examine
how, between the October 1965 elections and the enactment of AI-2, the restructuring
of the unionist alliance in the Legislative Assembly took place, reorganizing itself as the
União Parlamentar Revolucionária pelo Ceará (UPRC), with the purpose of maintaining
the political structure established in 1962.Next, we will study how the UPRC, facing the
political mobilizations related to the institutionalization of the bipartite political system,
transformed into ARENA, a process marked by broad internal disputes and tensions
aimed at collaborating with the Brazilian military regime. Printed journalistic sources,
ARENA’s party-organization documents, and testimonial and memorialistic sources
(autobiographical and biographical) were fundamental for this research. They enabled
us to perceive the images constructed at the national level and, subsequently, to
understand how this structure materialized within the reality of Ceará.

With independence and the establishment of the constitutional system in
Brazil – which required the separation of the political powers that constituted the State,
the presence of instances of political representation, supported by the citizens' vote, and
the guarantee of individual rights – the Chamber of Deputies, as an institution integrated
into the Legislative Branch, constituted a new space for political action and a new space
for political representation, insofar as its members were elected instead of being chosen
by the monarch. Thus, from this place occupied by the Chamber of Deputies and given
the need to build the political-administrative, economic, and legal foundations of the
new State, this research proposes to analyze the political role played by the institution
during the reign of Dom Pedro I, especially between the years 1826 and 1831,
observing how the intervention maneuvers of Parliament (carried out through
parliamentary actions and speeches) in relation, above all, to the actions of the
government contributed to the political intensification between the Chamber and the
Executive and the development of conflicts between the powers. Thus, through the
analysis of the Annals of the Chamber of Deputies, the objective of this research is to
understand how the opposition to the government of Emperor Pedro I was constructed
and articulated within Parliament, resulting in the abdication of the emperor on April 7,
1831.

It seeks to investigate the experiences of enslaved, free and liberated women who migrated to the city of Rio de Janeiro and who made up the Rio working class in the period between 1871 and 1888. Above all, it is observed who these women were being taken to the House of Detention amid a situation of political, social and economic changes and transformations in the city of Corte between the period of promulgation of the Free Womb Law and the eve of Abolition. In this sense, the aim is to analyze the profile of these women across issues of gender, race, nationality, social status and work. In this way, we seek to analyze three aspects of incarceration, such as: race, work and prostitution, through diverse sources such as prisoner enrollment records, periodicals, reports from the Ministry of Justice and the Criminal Code of 1830. Thus, we will treat the discussion surrounding prison models and imperial penitentiary practices that were concerned with the surveillance and control of a poor and eslaved population and how such issues influenced the lives of the women treated here. In the following pages, we will see real existences of women who behind their names were washerwomen, maids, greengrocers, prostitutes who stole, ran away from their masters, practiced witchcraft, among many other reasons and who despite being seen as immoral, dangerous and undisciplined, left their marks by being present on the streets of the city, creating their forms of livelihood, breaki

This research aims to analyze the participation of women in the process of requesting authorship in patents in Brazil, in the period between 1873 and 1910. The collection Industrial Privileges, located in the Arquivo Nacional do Rio de Janeiro, has a collection of nine thousand three hundred and one records of request for letters patent of invention, also known as "privilégios industriais" in the portuguese language, which constitute the fundamental sources for this research. After a previous survey, it was possible to find about ninety-nine letters patent of authorship of women, or co-authorship, taking into account the records that contain the names of Brazilian and foreign applicants. Thus, we intend to map the profile of these women inventors, who participated directly in the process of requesting privileges in Brazil, during the proposed period, questioning some elements such as: social class, nationality and place of birth, age, profession and/or occupation, place of residence, and possible connections with the productive process of the invented genres. Furthermore, we will seek to investigate what were the main difficulties for the participation of women in the patent application process and the spaces in which these women sought visibility to expose their inventions. Finally, we intend to identify the participation of women in the World's Fair and National Expositions as a space of visibility for their production and what were the challenges for their participation.

Between the years 1630 and 1654, the Dutch West India Company (WIC) invaded the Captaincies of Northern Brazil. As in other moments in the history of Brazilian colonization, the Portuguese resistance forces counted on the crucial military support of thirds of black and indigenous men. Likewise, the Flemish side also had the support of the Amerindians. Through Tupi messengers, WIC officials learned that several autochthonous peoples in the provinces north of Pernambuco were eager to form an anti-Portuguese alliance. Therefore, a small group of indigenous Potiguaras were taken to the Republic of the Seven United Provinces of the Netherlands to be educated and transformed into trustworthy diplomats and mediators. Disputed on each side of the war, these chiefs had knowledge of tactics, the ways of the land and the power of dialogue, being men who knew how to play in the conflictive context of the captaincies of the 17th century north. Therefore, the objective of this work is to trace the paths that led these indigenous leaders to prestigious positions within European colonial structures and how they used such positions to guide their interests. Through the analysis of letters exchanged between leaders on both sides of the war, this work seeks to show the impressive ability of Potiguar leaders to adopt different discourses, taking advantage of non-indigenous cultural practices, such as writing itself, for specific purposes. consistent with their political plans. Although they were loyal supporters, these indigenous people never considered themselves subjects of the colonial order. Instead, Potiguara diplomats primarily saw these moments of alliance as an opportunity to promote indigenous autonomy in the face of European colonialism. From literacy, we will realize that these warlords not only knew, but also mastered the rules of the colonial game.

The present research aims to understand some aspects of the Protestant missions in Batavia, known nowadays as Jakarta (Indonesia), during the 17th century. For that matter, it will be taken as a premise the analysis of the life trajectory of João Ferreira de Almeida, a Portuguese Calvinist, responsible for the translation of texts used for the propagation of the Protestant faith in Batavia. The trajectory of Almeida, in a micro context, will be added to the macro context of the Iberian Union, in which Portugal and the Netherlands compete for strategic possessions and use religion to consolidate political goals. It is intended to present the central points about the path of this translator, apart from seeking to understand how the Protestant racing has been inserted inside the political context just mentioned. Also, one will seek to comprehend the Protestant thought propagated in the theological contemporary texts from sources (materials for catechetical purposes) used by the missionaries, as well as by the target audience and the relations developed with the other cultural mediators.

This work is based on studying the sources gathered by the author José Solano Duesa where Testimonials and Discourse were brought together in order to contribute to the elaboration of a biographical work on Aspasia of Miletus.

Through Gender Studies, Linguistics, Discourse Analysis, and interdisciplinary approaches between languages, we will highlight the dimensions of interpretations of the vision that was constructed through male accounts, who Aspasia of Miletus really was, representations of the female body, and the communication processes that women developed in a society centered around the figure of man.

This dissertation sought to understand the conflicts that permeated the city of
Rio de Janeiro between 1910-1919, based on the practice of soccer in the streets. In
order to carry out the research, we mainly analyzed the case of Rua Soares, reported in
the newspaper Gazeta de Notícias in 1915. Through the conflict narrated by the
newspaper, we sought to reflect on the multiple ways in which soccer is perceived in the
city, as well as the relationships established through the practice of the game in the
streets. The aim of this work is not only to observe the practice of soccer in public
spaces, but also its relationship with the city of Rio de Janeiro. To understand that the
popularization of soccer occurs through the incorporation of the practice by different
individuals and, at the same time, to realize that the practice is not established in Rio
society through a linear, gradual and isolated process. Like any cultural practice, it tends
to encounter obstacles, is constantly re-signified and is in dialogue with political and
social issues. The research will address the dialogue between sport and the power games
that take place in the city, especially during election times, as well as the constant
disputes over the meanings of soccer and the legitimate uses of spaces, defended by an
intellectual and political elite during the 20th century.

This research aims to analyze the overlaps generated by the Rio Branco law 2.040 of 1871, or free womb law for the municipality of Itaguahy in Rio de Janeiro in the 1870s. Through research with records of baptisms and deaths, post- mortem, wills as well as municipal council minutes from the 1860s and 1870s, we sought to examine the experiences generated by the free womb law in the region. Analyzing the debates prior to the law, as well as realizing the gender issues embedded in legislation in which the enslaved woman's womb is freed, but she does not gain her freedom. We are attentive to the meanings of maternity that could be experienced in this location, and understanding the uses of this legislation by the owners of enslaved people and by the enslaved people themselves. Thus, we can speak of asymmetrical power relations between these groups, in addition to the enslaved agency itself formulating its own strategies to build visions of individual freedoms.

This dissertation is the result of research conducted on the connections between the press and the political activity of men of color through the trajectory of Maurício José de Lafuente during the regency period in the capital of the Empire. The movement, spurred in 1831 after the abdication of d. Pedro I—but already being incorporated since 1822—was able to make politics effectively public and create new forms of sociability, bringing socially distant groups closer together. A man of mixed race, born in Bahia, a military officer, diamond trader, and typographer, Maurício José de Lafuente traveled through various provinces such as Pernambuco and Espírito Santo before arriving in Rio de Janeiro. His life was repeatedly intersected by the press and the Brazilian justice system. With his trajectory ambiguously told and explored, he became a prominent figure in this period when "men of color" had significant participation in the periodical press. In investigating his trajectory, an attempt was made to draw a parallel between the individual and collective experiences of men of color in the 1830s who made the capital of the Empire their laboratory for actions and strategies to guarantee their individual rights as citizens. Thus, the research sought to contribute to historiography by presenting the trajectory of Maurício José de Lafuente, who is not an isolated, unique, or exclusive case, but rather part of a network of men of color, descendants of enslaved people, who, through their heterogeneous experiences, lived in a space of full freedom, with guaranteed constitutional and legal rights, even though they were victims of racial discrimination.

This paper analyzes an administrative body of the municipality of Itaguaí, Rio de Janeiro, during the final years of the first half of the 19th century – the Itaguaí City Council. Antônio Rodrigues de Azevedo, a Portuguese man, settled in Itaguaí in 1823 with the purpose of working as a clerk for a trading company. Twenty-three years after his arrival in the municipality, he was found holding the position of councilman and, at times, president of the Itaguaí City Council. Despite having contributed to the process and consolidation of Independence under the figure of Emperor Pedro I, the municipal chambers in the central-southern region of Brazil had their autonomy reduced during the Empire in comparison with the colonial period legislation. Much of this can be attributed to the creation of the provincial government, which, in the final years of the first half of the 19th century, held considerable power over localities. In addition to mediating communication between the municipal councils and the central government, especially with the Emperor, the provincial government also began to legislate and intervene more directly in the functioning of the municipal councils of the Empire. Thus, starting from the councilman position of Antônio Rodrigues de Azevedo, this study aims to understand the organization, functionality, and the main issues discussed in the Itaguaí City Council from 1846 to 1850, highlighting the interventions of the provincial government of Rio de Janeiro, which benefited from its geographical proximity and from having members who also served in the central government to advance its interests.

During the 12th century, Aelred of Rievaulx (1110-1167), a Cistercian abbot from northern Anglia, extensively devoted himself to writing about emotional life. He focused his work on the themes of amicitia (friendship) and love, considering them as pillars of an anthropology that highlighted interpersonal relationships and the connection with the divine as fundamental to human development. His interest in this subject led him to address the issue of monastic education, a crucial dimension for the process of socialization and monastic formation, which, as we identify, constituted the essence of his major treatises. What role does affectivity play in the conception and projection of healthy interpersonal relationships, essential for constructing, in the present moment, a community of faith (ecclesia) united by the bonds of friendship, combined with concern for a relationship built with a transcendent absolute? In his treatises Mirror of Charity and Spiritual Friendship, central works on love and friendship written in the 1140s and 1160s, respectively, Aelred explores affectivity, represented by affectus, defined as a spontaneous and pleasant movement of the mind toward another. Aelred thus engages in a pedagogy that can be described as spiritually affective, drawing upon the Johannine maxim "God is love!" transforming it into "God is friends". His aim was not only to demonstrate that emotions can be (re)directed in the educational process but also to emphasize their vital importance for human beings, the only creatures capable of attaining happiness and progressing spiritually with the support of others (SF, I:69, p. 50; MC, III:31, p. 250). The interest in human nature and interpersonal relationships with the divine reveals that both love and friendship, as human bonds, had a social dimension. The choice to prioritize emotions as a central part of the theory concerning interpersonal relationships and the divine showcases the Cistercians' appreciation for nurturing friendships, promoting them within the social context of the monastic environment. This setting facilitated the implementation of communal life. Through personal examples and biblical narratives, instruments were employed for this purpose, aiming to teach that affective life, infused with the principles of friendship and love, could represent conducive realities for learning and individual expression.

 In this work we investigate the circulation and integration of the overseas spaces of the Iberian

Empires, carried out by commercial agents, seafarers, governance and military agents, during and

after the Union of Crowns. One of the hypotheses defended is that the war against the Dutch

brought the Caribbean closer to Northeast Brazil, which had become a common threat to the

Catholic world, a Protestant base in the Atlantic. The Castilian authorities soon became aware of

the potential threat that this represented to the Caribbean squares, put their prisons on alert, and

awaited news from Dutch Brazil. Furthermore, we point out the inseparability of the occupations

of agents who could simultaneously participate in military campaigns, political-administrative

life and also commerce. We also demonstrate how the commercial networks spread across the

main squares of the 17th century operated. In the case of slave traders, a period of experience in

the African kingdoms was essential, where they acquired knowledge about the functioning of

trade and entered Sephardic networks. Finally, we highlight these aspects in the trajectory of the

second conde de Castelo Melhor, a man of noble origin, who fought in the companies of

Pernambuco, ending up in Cartagena das Indias, where he starred in one of the main political

episodes used in the campaign for the Restoration of Portugal. It was up to us to highlight his

presence in the sugar business, during the period in which he governed the State of Brazil

(1650-54), in order to demonstrate that these agents found themselves inexorably in the tangle of

the Iberian Empires.

The main objective of this work is to analyze the actions of the Grêmio Recreativo Escola de Samba Acadêmicos do Salgueiro to consolidate itself among the main samba schools in the period between 1959 and 1965, taking advantage of the contexts of the time and carrying out this correct reading, which culminated in the rescue of Afro- Brazilian themes, understanding, in turn, such actions as tactics, like those defined by Michel de Certeau. Furthermore, we seek to understand the reasons why this association and its carnival artist Fernando Pamplona were identified as the main responsible for an aesthetic and thematic revolution that allegedly changed the standards of the parades that were until then conceived and presented by the samba schools of Rio de Janeiro. In this sense, we hypothesize that the artist’s arrival and this recovery of Afro-Brazilian themes, besides not being something new, did not necessarily mean a revolution, but rather a moment in which another of the tactics that were recurrent throughout the history of samba schools was activated, helping Acadêmicos do Salgueiro to
consolidate itself among the three major samba schools of the time: Portela, Estação Primeira de Mangueira e Império Serrano. To try to prove our hypothesis and achieve our objective, we resorted to the analysis of works, academic or not, that contributed to solidifying the idea of a Salgueirense revolution, as well as those that sought to oppose this thought. Besides, we approached several newspapers that narrated the period between 1950 e 1965, trying to find out how they perceived that moment in the history of samba schools and how they narrated the tensions and conflicts that arose. Finally, we explored the interviews and testimonies given by personalities who actively participated in that process as a way of analyzing how they understood that moment.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate the interactions between espadeiros, espadeiras and military police officers in the Guerra de Espadas in Cruz das Almas/BA. The time frame, from 1980 to 2024, focuses on the historiographical field of Present Time. Considering its criminalization in 2011, the dynamics between these agents were reformulated, creating openings for strategies of resistance, negotiation and articulation. Therefore, the focus of the analysis is on the intersection of two social institutions: the police and the Guerra de Espadas. The sources used to construct the historical text were, not exclusively, police reports and oral accounts. The documents were analyzed using  concepts and categories such as resistance, negotiation, social control and structure-agency.

This work aims to trace the paths of the construction of memory and oblivion of Luz del Fuego, a Brazilian artist who became known as a public figure through her performances in revue theaters during the 1950s. In addition to analyzing the disputes surrounding the construction of her image and the intentions behind the revival of her figure in both virtual and physical spaces, the dancer's discourse and self-narratives in her literary works and documentary are also objects of investigation. In the analysis of the sources A Verdade Nua and Trágico Blackout, it is evident that del Fuego understood the use of nudity beyond mere viewer pleasure, as a political action and expression of her sexuality. The research hypothesis is that Luz del Fuego gave meaning to her nudity, making it a daily experience, an idealization of life, and not just an artistic resource or seduction tool. Lastly, the study sought to elucidate some of the meanings attributed to public nudity and how the revival of the memory of a "rebel body" allows for the artist's association with discussions and even the popularization of contemporary feminist ideals, through the lens of certain "transgressions" regarding the space and time that were observed.

This thesis aims to analyze the means and circumstances by which the image of Adolf
Hitler was produced in the writing of the biography Hitler, 1889-1936: Hubris and
Hitler, 1936-1945: Nemesis by British historian Ian Kershaw. This means identifying
which portrait was formulated through the narrative elements of the biography, as well
as investigating how the scientific operation - the broader context of the work's
production, such as: the social place, practices and writings of the biographer, who this
biographer was and his intellectual environment; how was the process of construction
(gestation) of Hitler's image in other works of the author; the context of writing the
biography; the dialogues that existed between the constructed character and the
already institutionalized profil of Hitler, what were the prevailing models of the leader
of the Third Reich in the period of writing the work, and, therefore, how the author
fitted into and departed from these writing patterns, etc. -which provided to constitute
the portrait of Adolf Hitler.

The mystical experience projects the individual into an ethical transformation of themselves and the relationship they establish with the world. This projection leads the individual to follow a path in search of interiority, a self-knowledge that also transforms them in the face of their social and cultural reality. This change (or subjective construction of the self) occurs within the power and gender relations imposed by cloistered convent life. Thus, female mystical and “autobiographical” writing in the Early Modern Period points to women’s perception of life, spirituality, and themselves, even when subject to interference and censorship from their spiritual director. In view of the above, the research addresses the Catholic environment of modern Spain and its object is the writing of Mother Teresa of Jesus (1515-1582), reformer and founder of the Discalced Carmelite Order. A gender perspective is adopted when dealing with printed sources, namely: the publication princeps of 1588, containing the books Vida e Moradas del Castillo Interior; along with three biographies, which precede Teresa's canonization and were written by her confessors Francisco de Ribera (1537-1591), Friar Diego de Yepes (1530-1613) and Friar Jerónimo Gracián de la Madre de Dios (1545-1614).

This work seeks to understand the thinking of men who lived in the eighteenth century, known as the century of Enlightenment. Assuming that there was no hegemonic thought, we studied the document written by the Minas Gerais Ombudsman Tomas Antônio Gonzaga, in the context of the Minas Gerais conjuration, the Chilean Letters.
We compared what was written in the Letters to the texts of neo-Thomist treatises, in search of traces of a  conservative thought still present at that time.

This research aims to analyze the theme of the origin of indigenous peoples and civilizations in the history of African-American thought throughout the 20th century. From the 1960s onwards, several Pan-African authors and supporters of Afrocentrism argued that African peoples had arrived in pre-Columbian America and stimulated the emergence and development of civilizations at different times in history. These theories achieved wide dissemination, mainly in the United States, after the publication of They came before Columbus by Ivan Van Sertima in 1976, and were also increasingly present in narratives of African-American religious movements such as the Moorish Science Temple of America and the Nuwaubian Yamassee, among others. However, it is possible to verify the presence of the theme in African-American history, at least since the 1920s, from publications such as Wonderful Ethiopians of the Ancient Cushite Empire (1926) by Drusilla Dunjee Houston, 100 Amazing Facts about the Negro (1934) or the Circle Seven Koran (1927) by African-American Islamic leader Noble Drew Ali. We will try to demonstrate that these theories relate to a broader context of black intellectual history in the United States, black nationalism and the ways in which human culture has been understood by the human sciences since the 19th century. We conclude that the concepts of civilization and culture that inspired the reaction of intellectuals and black nationalists since the 19th century continued to be present in many theories about the African presence in pre-Columbian America throughout the 20th century, and that the theme began to figure in the formation of diverse discourses on African-American identity.

The central objective of this research is to discuss the role played by the Social Democratic Party (PDS) in the initial years of its formation (1979-1982). By analyzing the factors that stimulated the end of the Brazilian two-party system, in force between 1966 and 1979, and the adoption of a new multi-party logic, the dissertation sought to answer the following questions: what was the behavior of the PDS during the initial years of the João Figueiredo government? Did the party have an approach to Brazilian political opposition parties? What was the behavior of the PDS and its performance within the Legislative during the Brazilian political opening project? Was there autonomy between the military and the party's project? The definition of a party adopted here follows the guidance proposed by the following authors: Maurice Duverger, Joseph Lapalombara & Myron Weiner, and Jean Charlot. The central hypothesis defended is that despite having a well-defined political program, the Social Democratic Party did not actually manage to exercise autonomy in its political decisions vis-à-vis the government. In the construction of this study, a set of sources of varied nature was mobilized, such as newspapers; the personal archives of Ernesto Geisel and Ernani do Amaral Peixoto; and the documents related to the electoral results elaborated by the Superior Electoral Court (TSE).  

This thesis aims to analyze through historical speeches made by the Maia indigenous elite what may have motivated them to rewrite their past during the colonial period. Reflecting at this we will use two Maia documents produced during the colonial period: the Totonicapan title and Sololá Memorial, the first one written by the k’iche lineage and the second by the kaqchikel lineage. Thinking about that and at the transformation in the indigenous discourse, given that he was attached to the power. Our initial hypothesis is that these documents were not only wore used to reassert the existence of these natives but also as a way to preserve their ethical identity as well the government lineage in power. Besides, we believe that they also served as a tool to probate land ownership.

Our dissertation falls within the field of studies regarding the role of the national business sector in the 1964 coup d'état and the subsequent governments of the corporate-military dictatorship. We have as object of study the great Brazilian entrepreneurs of the sector of the advertising. We aim to understand the professional trajectory of the key figures in national advertising, as well as how these businessmen organized themselves in a consortium that sought to monopolize the State accounts. Additionally, we analyze how these businesspeople organized themselves as a class in order to build a law together with certain sectors of the State that would benefit their commercial interests. To do this, we briefly cover the formation of the professional sector in Brazil up until 1964, analyze the professional trajectories of the main owners, directors, and/or presidents of major national advertising agencies and their respective companies, and finally, delve into the involvement of advertisers in the 1964 coup d'état, the construction of the "Aerp model", and the formation of the Brazilian consortium of advertising agencies. We start from the considerations of Marxist thinker Antonio Gramsci, and understand the State in its organic conception, formed by the political society and civil society, from the perspective of an expanded State.

The objective of this research is to analyze the work of the Capuchin friar Francisco José de Jaca (1645 -1690), entitled “Resolution on the freedom of blacks and their natives, in a state of pagans and later already Christians”, whose motto was to denounce the injustice of trafficking and the enslavement of Africans. The working hypothesis is that the questions raised by Francisco José de Jaca, regarding the legitimacy of the enslavement of blacks, are part of an earlier tradition of political, legal and theological thought. Thus, the theoretical-methodological perspective of linguistic contextualism is adopted, especially Quentin Skinner's considerations, to analyze the continuities and ruptures, in the “Resolution” de F. J. de Jaca, in relation to such an intellectual tradition. In this sense, the aim is to compare the work of F. J. de Jaca with that of an author who preceded him (Luís de Molina, 1535-1600) and with that of a contemporary (Diego de Avendaño, 1596-1688), focusing on the degree of adherence to probabilism and the way in which these authors used the notions of doubt, invincible ignorance and good faith in the debates around the (in-) justice of the slave trade and the enslavement of Africans

Between 1876 and 1881 machado de assis published the novels helena and memórias póstumas de brás cubas, in a fragmented way in the periodicals of his time. Being the first in o globo: organ of the interests of the commercio, the farming and the industry, and the second in the magazine brazileira, from 1880. In this dissertation, we seek to highlight the representations of women through the machadian characters, articulating with the problematics of the time as conditioning factors that crossed their literary art and therefore, the oblique gaze under which women were subjected in rio de janeiro from the post-independence and second half of the nineteenth century. We highlight in our analysis the reflection on literature as a fertile source that articulates with society, since the individual (author) is inserted in it. With this, we use the dialogical perspective to understand the very constitution of the novels of the time of machado, in order to perceive how our author positions himself and where he differs from those of his time. In view of the way society moved, the issues present, and the processes in which they circumstantiated the existence of women in the formation of national identity of brazil and its ideals of modernity, it is impossible not to identify in the women of machado de assis the cunning as a strategy of existence in a society that conditioned them to good standards of conduct. It is from this perspective that our work starts, understanding that in machadian novels the dissimulation is na aspect of human character, and that as far as possible, it is also a strategy very well used by women, not only being “the purest faces”.

In this dissertation, we will describe ANTRA's trajectory, focusing on its social and political work - from its foundation (2017) to 2019 (year of the last published report) - on how it presents itself, how data on violence and death is collected and what is its role as resistance of transsexual and transvestite individuals. We will observe the political context of the 2000s and its articulation with social movements, especially the trans movement, since this subject is relevant in all sources.

We will also make an analysis about the emergence of the term femicide and how, after that, the category of transfemicide is constructed: concepts that were created with the aim of typifying a crime.

And, since ANTRA makes use of pages such as Instagram, Twitter and Facebook, in addition to its official website, methodologically we will rely on virtual ethnography to map these media and platforms of the NGO.

In this sense, we intend to demonstrate how the dossiers seek to legitimize all the data that are collected on violence and death of transgender individuals.

This study focuses on the participation of Brazil in the 78th World Cup. It aims to understand the elimination of the national team through the approaches present in the sports sections of the newspapers O Globo and Jornal Do Brasil. It was necessary to analyze Brazil's participation in the qualifying campaigns and the World Cup through both newspapers, considering the context of great militarization of the national team and the political interests present, as well as to analyze the documents produced by the SNI - Serviço Nacional de Informações, Centro de Informações do Exército - CIE, Centro de Informações do Exército - CIEX and telegrams sent by the Brazilian Embassy in Buenos Aires to Brazil, regarding the World Cup. The adopted model of football, the militarized administration of the CBD, and the structure of national soccer were held responsible for Brazil's poor campaign in the competition. We conclude that, besides Argentina's controversial six-nil victory over Peru, which led to the elimination of the Brazilian team, the structure of Brazilian football, used politically both by the military and by leaders who sought political ascendancy, was pointed out by the newspapers as the main responsible for the poor campaign and consequent elimination of the national team.

The present dissertation has the mystical exercise followed and teached by the Discalced Carmelite Friar Juan de La Cruz as its object, and pretend to investigate how much this influenced his persecution and incarceration. To achieve this goal an explanation of how fundamental the mystical-charismatic experience was on early christianism, how it was viewed after the religious institucionalization, generating the fundation of the monasticism and a brief overview of La Cruz´s life will be offered. Finally, on the third and last chapter an analysis of his mystical exercise as a case study will serve as parameter to understand how this practice and its teaching may have contributed for his persecution and exile.

This dissertation presents as the theme of his research an investigation on the process of emancipation of municipalities occurred in Brazil especially in the 1990s after the promulgation of the Federal Constitution of 1988. This process will be contextualized at the national level and then more specifically at the local level comprising the configuration of the territory of the region known as Baixada Fluminense in which the municipality of Seropédica is located. This city has achieved its emancipation in a long process that carries several particu larities that make up the thematic axis of this research. This is a relevant theme especially when one still perceives the actuality of the discussions about the creation of new municipalities in the country and the reality that many of them present in maintaining a fiscal balance and a correct application of public policies. The objective of the research is, therefore, to understand how the process of emancipation of municipalities in Brazil since the colonial period has gone and which were the main agents that exerted social influence in the emancipation process of Seropédica. In order to clarify this problem, a historical panorama will be realized through which the various moments of the political formation of Brazil are revisited and how in these periods the view about the municipalities and their importance is changed. And in the specific case of Seropédica understand how the different sociopolitical forces played their roles during the emancipation process. The methodology adopted consists of a qualitative approach characterized by bibliographic research and a documentary research in which several local newspapers were analyzed as the object of research that portrayed the emancipationist process at the time.

The present research aims to analyze the dimensions of the experiences of enslaved women in Itaguaí, between the years 1850 and 1888. As it was observed, above all, the trajectories and referrals of these women, encompassed in the sociopolitical changes of slavery, after the Eusébio de Queirós Law, and mainly, in the emancipacionist measures after the 1870s. Furthermore, there is an attempt to interpret the way in which their family and maternal ties were affected in this dynamic of changes, interpreted through diverse sources, such as inventories, parish registers, letters of freedom, wills and documentation of half-size slaves. The main argument about the object of study is that enslaved women of Itaguaí, even in a location that is not present in the list of exporting agricultural regions, such as the municipalities of Vale do Paraíba, were inserted in the social and political developments that spanned the busy final years of slavery. This insertion, in turn, had the specifities of Itaguaí, but connected with the reality and needs of nearby municipalities. In the next pages, articulations about family, motherhood, freedom, labor and commuting will help us in the investigative and interpretative developments of this research.

This essay seeks to analyze the experiences of the kardecists Workers of the Grêmio de Propaganda Espírita Luz e Amor, in Bangu, between 1901 and 1918. It is observed the social assistance provided by these individuals and the solidaraty network formed in the locality and in Other áreas of the suburbs of Rio de Janeiro. In this way, the purpose is to observe how the religious doctrine takes shape in the neighborhood and becomes na integral parto f the culture of a portion of the workers at the the Bangu textile factory. The main focus of the study is that the organization, through medical and Pharmaceutical care, ends up playing a crucial role in the region, in a context of State neglect regarding public health. Consequently, it brings together local workers due to their shared experiences. In this sense, the research also seeks to presente the incorporation of Kardecism in the neightborhood, stemming from its working- class origins. In the study, experience, social assistance, Charity, and labor are the key points that will aid in the investigation of the subject.

This research seeks to understand the experience of the Catholic clergy during the period from 1976 to 1989, aiming to identify how the dictatorial regime acted in the Baixada Fluminense, especially in relation to the members of the diocese of Nova Iguaçu and how they were watched by the repressive apparatus that saw them as a threat to the current regime. This work encompasses the period that has as its starting point the year 1976, in which, at the end, Dom Adriano Hypólito was kidnapped by an extreme right-wing group, and as its final point, the year 1989, when the first elections took place. directly to the Presidency of the Republic. The research investigates the period in which the country and its population experienced several social, economic and political changes that had a strong influence on the paths followed by the Brazilian State. It seeks to demonstrate, mainly with the use of documents recorded by various organs of the repressive apparatus, how members of the Iguaçuan clergy were closely monitored by the agents of repression and for what reasons this observation took place. Part of the documentation used as primary sources was produced by the Brazilian State's information bodies and are available at the Public Archive of the State of Rio de Janeiro and the National Archive. There is also the use of documents and periodicals produced by the diocese itself, as well as reports from some written press vehicles in the city of Rio de Janeiro and Baixada Fluminense.

The present work aims to analyze the notion of the possible imagery construction of the ideal black woman in Brazil during the 19th century, through the investigation of the cartes-de-visite, a famous photographic type of the 19th century, signed by the photographer Alberto Henschel. Our approach will question their manners, the image ideal created or fostered from these representations, and the difference between white and black women from the construction of the imaginary and visual culture about the feminine. We are guided by the concepts of representation, gender, control images, guided by the History of Women and History of Photography in the 19th century, and theoretical-methodological proposals proposed by Solange Lima, Vânia Carvalho and Mônica Cardim through the description of the image and discussion about the experience slave in Brazil.

This thesis consists of a comparative study on reciprocities and social strategies of two key figures in the consolidation of civil engineering in the country: Francisco Pereira Passos (1836-1913) and André Gustavo Paulo de Frontin (1860-1933). Throughout the work, we problematize the importance of personal relationships in the trajectory of these figures who became famous with a technical profile. For this, we delimited as object of analysis the core of the networks of relationships of these two engineers, having as main objective to understand the importance of these mechanisms as devices of social insertion. In this sense, we adopted the years 1889 to 1906 as a chronological cut, which covers a broader panorama that begins in a phase of political and economic instability at the beginning of the Republic and ends in the urban reform of Rio de Janeiro in the beginning of the 20th century. Thus, we have the specific objectives of mapping the individuals who we re part of the nucleus of these networks, through kinship, compadrio and friendship ties, in addition to identifying the material and immaterial goods that circulated in these reciprocity circuits, focusing on behavior corporate, business and civil service of these two figures. To help this analysis, we resort to the theory of reciprocity from the field of Social Anthropology, articulated with some reflections on Giovanni Levi's notion of “strategy”. Throughout this research, a diverse set of primary sources was mobilized, which included correspondence, various documents from personal archives, baptismal and marriage books from the Catholic Church, civil registration books of marriage, birth, death and testamentary notarial documentation. , in addition to records of attachment of assets, inventory processes and the sharing of assets in the Judicial District of Rio de Janeiro. We analyzed company registrations at the city's Board of Trade and collected biographica l information published in almanacs, commercial retrospectives, obituaries and news about weddings, baptisms and masses. We also used the journals of the Clube de Engenharia, the Instituto Politécnico Brasileiro and information collected by biographers. 

The present research analyzes the formation process of Boca do Lixo, a district in São Paulo, Brazil, based on the contrast between the autobiographical account of one of its delinquents - Hiroito de Moraes Joanides, written in 1977 - and the discursive constructions of the São Paulo police press and State institutions on the daily life of Boca do Lixo. In this sense, the notion of "Criminal Topography," coined by historian Dominique Kalifa, who thinks of the reserved places for crime in large cities as a discursive construction, emerges as a conceptual instrument to investigate the historical process of constituting Boca do Lixo as a marginal territory of São Paulo, between the 1950s and 1970s. These locations, demarcated by discursive representations and social practices, offer an important angle for understanding the realities and the imaginary of crime. Thus, as well as the perpetrators, means, and circumstances, places reserved for crime also play a significant role in the construction of criminal economies and the management of illegalism. In the following pages, the daily life, subjects, and types of activities developed in Boca do Lixo will be dialogically embedded through the use of a diverse documentary corpus: police press, literature, cinema, parliamentary speeches, and judicial archives. The research seeks to answer when and why this city territory began to be represented as a place reserved for moral dirt, a "bas-fond," in the social imagination, as well as how the relations between the subjects who inhabited it and the state apparatus took place. Finally, the research analyzes how both discursive constructions and the actions of security agents were articulated and inserted into the modifications of the geography and criminal economy of São Paulo.

This current PhD research work aimed to analyze the Book of the Dead during the Ancient Egyptian 26^th Dynasty. This Dynasty, commonly referred as Saite for having used the place of Sais as its capital city, ruled between the 7^th to the 6^th centuries BCE, and it has become remarkable in Egyptology for, among other reasons, having used the own Egyptian past in a search of trends and practices that gave the basis for its own productions, in a phenomenon usually named as archaism. The Book of the Dead, which consisted in a very diverse group of funerary texts that were believed to help the buried and deceased, has also become a target of the Saite archaism. Having been much used in the second half of the previous millennium, the Book of the Dead has undergone a period of around three centuries in which its usage seems to be decreased, since it has nearly disappeared from archaeological records. The Saite archaism has made it go back into usage, but now with a reformulated format that, in comparison to what had existed before, is now more standardized. Our work has then looked to analyze what kind of relationship this reworked version of the Book of the Dead had with the previous version, since, from the Egyptians point of view, this return with remodeling of the Book was actually seen as a continuity of something that already existed before and has been used in that same format – in other words, it was not a matter of innovation, but of continuance. In other to investigate this under the conditions and deadlines of a PhD, we have selected a sequence of five texts of the Book of the Dead, from three Saite Period papyri, and performed an elaborate methodological treatment, something that involved proceedings as linguistic-textual comparison and speech analysis, to make it possible for us to at least have a glimpse of the bigger and wider scenario. In the end, we have also inquired about whether it would be possible, as some scholars have claimed, that the Book of the Dead of the 26^th Dynasty could be labelled as an experience of canonization.

The theme proposed in this research is the study of black demography and family in Vila de Santo Antônio de Sá, located in Recôncavo da Guanabara, throughout the 18th century. The aim is to study the formation of slave families and their bonds of comradeship from a long-term perspective, observing variations in trends throughout this period. This research also aims to establish the relationship between this sociability and the development of Rio de Janeiro's economy in that period, realizing that the region's economic growth changed the profile of slaves and their owners.

The purpose of this work is to study the transformations that happened in parish of Jacarepaguá, between the years 1870 – 1890, period of the “transport revolution”, taking as a parameter the changes in the integration of the parish to the Rio de Janeiro city, in the real state profile, in the land exploration forms, in the division large local properties and in the economic diversification of the region. The main objective is to analyze the socioeconomic and geographic profile of parish, using as a reference the concepts of arrabalde and/or suburb. During the search, a set of sources of varied nature was used, including documentation about licensing and administration of the Companhia Ferro-Carril of Jacarepaguá, censuses, Alamanaque Laemmert and jour nalism. The central hypothesis defended is that the tramway arrival in parish of Jacarepaguá generated different results of the initial intentions (enhance the production of local connection to the city’s core) favoring local transformations without, however, overcoming the agrarian characteristics of the region. It is also shown that is already observed in the period a transition between the categories of arrabalde and suburb, however, with rural characteristics, characterized as a “surveillance” place.

The dissertation examines corsair actions that took place in the South Atlantic, specifically in Portuguese America, in the transition from the 16th to the 17th century. As a guiding issue for our research, we will seek religious conflicts that arose within Christianity in Early Modern Europe. We will analyze the production of reports of privateer actions in Portuguese America, namely: the attack by Thomas Cavendish on the town of Santos, São Vicente and Vitória (1591-1592) and the occupation of Recife in 1595. we will have as sources the reports of the English navigators who belonged to these belligerent fleets. To counteract this literature, we will use Portuguese sources produced by Portuguese clergymen and official agents.

The following dissertation analyzes the social impact of the implementation of the campus of Instituto Multidisciplinar, also known as IM, of the Universidade Federal Rural do Rio de Janeiro (UFRRJ) between the years of 2005 to 2017. Our goal is to discover the profile of the students contemplated by its implementation and to analyze the history behind the institute’s creation, seeking to fill the gaps left by previous studies. This research was based on the analysis of institutional sources from UFRRJ, such as deliberations by the University’s Council, Administration reports for the years 2008 to 2017, Restructuring and Expansion Projects and the Political and Pedagogical Project of IM. We have also relied on the analysis of spoken and audiovisual media. We reached the conclusion that the institute has made possible for the local population to have access to higher education while raising student’s awareness of their regional identity.

This dissertation has as main objective to analyze the development of the town of Queimados throughout the 19th century to confirm that it is not from the arrival of the railway that Queimados appears, the inauguration of the Estrada de Ferro D. Pedro II station only consolidates a emerging locality, which constitutes an urban nucleus with the construction of a chapel in a square in front of the train station. The research evidenced the origin of the name Queimados, arising from the village that was conceived in the leases of fazenda São João de Queimados. The implementation process of the Estrada de Ferro D. Pedro II and the inauguration of the railway station were examined, motivating the commercial growth and the arrival of liberal professionals and new inhabitants, in addition to the analysis of the construction of the church, organized by the residents in the second half of the year. XIX century

This present research has the goal to analyze how some latin american leaders, also called as “Caudilhos” are represented in the novels “One hundred years of solitude” (1967), “The Autumn of the Patriarch” (1975) and “The General in his Labyrinth”(1989) written by the colombian author Gabriel García Márquez.  The essay will also discuss how to use literature as an academic source in history works, as well as thinking about the concept of “caudilho”. In some way, most of García Márquez’s characters are known  for being “caudilhos” and they are linked by their loneliness. To make this research possible, it starts with a brief history and trajectory of Latin American literature written with emphasis on the Latin American Boom, a literary moment that the author took part in. And also the Magical Realism movement, since most of his works are related to this. In the second part, the life and work of the author will also be included in the research, for example, how he was raised, his childhood, his political beliefs and how all of that impact on his novels. In conclusion, the inspirations and background of García Márquez will be taking part alongside the political, historic and literary contexts of the second part of XX century. So that it can be able to observe the development of his characters and by that, comprehend how these historical figures took place in his works

The present work aims to analyze the concept of duration developed by the historian Fernand Braudel (1902 -  1985) based on his texts and his commentators pointing out possible relationships with the durational perception of the french philosopher Henri Bergson (1859 - 1951) . The criteria used for temporal delimitation here are linked to the production time of the authors in question, Braudel and Bergson.

This research means to analyse the productions of the dossiers, made or diffused by the Serviço Nacional de Informações, SNI (National Service of Information),  regarding teachers from Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, UFRJ (Federal University of Rio de Janeiro), and Universidade Federal Fluminense, UFF (Fluminense Federal University), during the years 1970 to 1974. Our goal is to understand how State's agents  classified the teachers who were present in these dossiers. Lastly, we will investigate, through a comparative methodology, the similarities and differences in the preparation of these dossiers regarding both institutions.

This research, analyzing the first half of the Military Dictatorship aims at describing and contextualizing the ways in which the Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional promoted face to its employees the ideals of national-developmentalist and economic modernization, associated to the idea that a racial democracy existed inside the company, while reproducing spheres of social stratification and inequality in its workplace environment.
This research emphasizes a cultural approach, analyzing discourses and ascribing relevance to ethnic relations, challenging usual understandings about the ways in which working-class formation connects to racial issues.

his research aims to seek possible solutions to break with a brand, a stigma, which for Goffman, spoils, destroys, leaving those who are affected by this evil unable to develop as a normal human being with their differences. With a thorough examination of bibliographies in a psychological, historical and social character with the subjectivity present in the speeches of the students who answered the questionnaire, all these points added to the researcher's seven years experience within this area, who in a process of intersubjectivity, speaks without partiality. a problem that haunts many students. Confronting this reality in a social-historical psychic novel overflows indifference as a multiplier and approximation in a sense of affinity, as the cure for this evil.

This thesis deals with the role of communists in the Bahian trade union movement between 1945 and 1952, the from the relationship between changes in the political line and union guidelines established by the PCB and the practice of its militants.With the amnesty of 1945, the PCB experienced its longer period of legality, witch made possible a greater insertion with the workers. Upon achieving legality, the PCB leaders were concerned with altering the
image left in 1935, when the party “took up arms”. The intention was to become seen as "the party of order and tranquility", through the political line of National Union witch, in the trade union milieu, meant “tightening their belts”, avoiding strikes that should only take place when all other resources are exhausted. After the December 1945 elections, they reassessed that “order” could not be treated as a synonym for passivity and strikes started to be treated as a right of workers and, many times necessary by the cost of life, but with parsimony, so that there would be no political exploitation. With twists of the conjuncture the PCB was made illegal in 1947, and it started a process of self-criticism and it considered that his performance was framed as a conciliation of classes, which, along with intense repression and intervention in the unions, pushed the communists into the sense of building parallel entities. The party set aside the National Union line and gradually assumed a position more to the left, with its apex in the Manifest of August 1950, when he defended the formation of a Democratic Liberation Front National with calls for revolution as the only alternative. In the unions, the attempt was to structure a unionism free from the control of the Ministry of Labor, and at the same time did not shy away from acting, when possible, in the official unions, demanding that assume the defense of the categories. The “leftist line” lasted until the completion of the IV PCB congress in 1954, but in the union environment this position would have lasted until 1952, when there was self-criticism and new orientation. The objective of this research is to address how the militants who worked at the base stood in front of changes in the lines policies adopted by the party and the demands of workers in the struggle for wages, rights and better working conditions. It is an attempt to make the history of the PCB beyond of its formulations, emphasizing that the base militants managed to maintain a bond close to the masses, leading numerous movements and strikes. We use, in addition to academic production, the memories of former militants, documents and newspapers from the press party, and some police reports to seek information on the militants' actions. The main source analyzed was the newspaper O Momento, published by PCB of Bahia between 1945 and 1957, a communication vehicle that from 1946 was printed daily and described workers' movements from the perspective of the communists. The results demonstrate, among other things, that the actions of communists in the trade union environment cannot always be explained only by their political orientation. At times, factors external to the party, such as the degree of repression, the degree of organization of the category and other elements of the conjuncture, were fundamental to determine their choices

This thesis analyzes how corruption, from its conversion into a public problem, came to be used as a political weapon in the dispute for the State in Brazil between 1955 and 1964. In the context of political disputes, it seeks to demonstrate the selective use of corruption in the tolerance of practices that contributed to the maintenance of the Juscelino Kubitschek government; its use as a political currency in the election of the Jânio Quadros government and also as one of the justifying elements of the civilmilitary coup in the deposition of João Goulart. There is a selectivity in the political use of the phenomenon of corruption triggered by different groups. We verified that the civil-military right, with the repositioning of agents, but with the same State project, triggered the anti-corruption flag. This group, which was not homogeneous and underwent changes during the period of democratic experience, will be the same group that will come to power through the 1964 coup. However, the use of corruption as a political weapon was not only activated by the right. Although more mobilized by the right, the left also raised the flag of corruption in the political game, as in the CPI of IPES/IBAD. In the midst of political disputes lies a claim to the anti-corruption flag in the dispute for the State. In theoretical terms, the contributions of Pierre Bourdieu were used, to think about the dispute of symbolic capital by different agents in the political field and the contributions of Antonio Gramsci, to analyze the construction of the hegemonic consensus of the anti-corruption discourse through the Private Apparatus of Hegemony in the dispute by the state. As a source, press material available in the Digital Newspaper Library of the National Library (Jornal Correio da Manhã, Tribuna da Imprensa, Última Hora, Jornal do Brasil, Correio Brasiliense, Jornal do Commercio and Revista Manchete) was used, in the collection of newspaper O Globo and in the collection of the newspaper Estadão. Official documents such as decrees, laws and institutional acts were also used, in addition to the Parliamentary Inquiry Commission of the IPES/IBAD Complex.

The present work investigated the production of disparate masculinities from the invention of Dzi Croquettes and Secos & Molhados in the scope of the sexual policy of the civil-military dictatorship (1968-1976). From the notions of counter-conduct and performativity, we focused on a heterogeneous set of performances, representations, presentations, music and theatricality that complicate a partial and simplistic view of the normative statements of masculinity and femininity that crossed and constituted the discourses of the ideologues of the dictatorship. The contribution and innovation of this work is to approach the history of these groups at the same time, having friendship as one of its main vectors. It is concluded that the Dzi Croquettes and the Secos & Molhados collaborated to destabilize a hegemonic conception of bellicose masculinity, to a large extent, modulated by notions of virility and domination.

The discussions in this thesis concern a central theme: the fight of representations and the conflict between the periphery and the center it entails. In the topographic construction of the urban spaces, the social conflicts and the idiosyncrasies of the city are apparent. In this sense, the periphery, which is neglected by the state and discriminated against by the hegemonic foundations of the society, builds its own representations and networks of sociability. In fact, it builds for itself its own image, identity, and signs and develops its self-esteem. In this context, the figure of Zeca Pagodinho synthesizes this construction. By means of an analysis based on the New Cultural History, it is possible to notice the construction of networks of sociability created by residents of the periphery in the late twentieth-century and in the early twenty-first century. These networks of sociability were shaped in cultural and artistic movements that gave rise to a new and more popularized genre of samba, known as pagode. Consequently, they also created a new niche in the cultural market. Building on an approach inserted in the microhistory, the focus of the analysis will be the career of Zeca Pagodinho, who was able to cross the boundaries established between the periphery and the center, becoming an icon for the former and spreading a music genre that used to be marginalized in the latter. Zeca becomes popular with the support of the media and manages to bring the pagode from the periphery to the ideological center of the metropolis of Rio de Janeiro. By making this move toward the center, the artist does not detach himself from this ethos. Rather, he enables the periphery, with its peculiarities, to be consumed by the center. The genre partido-alto represents the subaltern discourse and seeks a communal identity, which is Afrodescendant and immersed in the ancestry of the oral tradition and in the religiosity of the African matrix; it is not merely music and party; it represents the embodiment of the sign and the merging of the tradition of the African genesis and the essence of the city of Rio de Janeiro. In this context, the figure of the malandro (rascal), who was previously not expected to follow any formal rules, becomes a figure that is socially accepted by being associated with features such as vivacity, wit, warmth, charisma, sway and others, becoming the embodiment of the image of the carioca and demonstrating the capacity of adaptation of the subaltern. Zeca becomes a malandro that is socially accepted, synthesizing the essence of the suburban carioca. Zeca becomes the voice of the periphery, both materially—as the provider of opportunities to promote the partido-alto of unknown artists in the choice of his repertoire—, and nonmaterially—for he synthesizes the rascality typical of Joe Carioca. This artist, with his trajectory, his mannerisms and his own lyrics for his sambas, creates a sense of belonging and extracts from his artistic making the essence of what is analogous to him, becoming a reflex of his place of origin.

This thesis intends to analyze the context of socioeconomic transformations that occurred in the region of Alagoinhas, Bahia, during the second half of the nineteenth century, mainly from the supposed improvement of agriculture provided by the implementation of the first railroad in the province and branch to Timbó. The main concern of the research is to understand conflicts motivated by the different understanding about property rights, specifically rural property, since many social agents (landowners and authorities) disputed land or believed in greater appreciation of rural properties and individual wealth from implementation of the railroad. Supposing that many conflicts over rural property would be related, directly or indirectly, to implementation of the railroad, it was necessary to investigate them with reference to the recurring idea of improving agriculture. The time delimitation comprise the last years of the 1850s to the end of the 1880s, and the main events of this period were transactions of parish land registers in the region that coincided with the beginning of the construction works of the railroad, with propositions of some local laws related to land uses for different economic activities, besides intensification of parliamentary debates on the need to build rail extensions to encourage an increase in agricultural production, individual or provincial wealth and value of rural property.

The present work aims to analyze the legal norms present in the Theodosian Code, developed by the Roman Emperor Flavius Claudius Julian (361 - 363 C. E.), known as "the apostate". To fulfill the thesis proposal, we will study the relationship between two fields of knowledge: History and Law. Thus, we will investigate from the studies of the social sciences, the historical-social process of Law, in order to better analyze the development and characteristics of Roman Law, in order to finally understand how Juliano's norms reinforced his centralizing practices and how they were important for the maintenance of imperial power, even during the governments of Christian emperors.

This Doctoral Thesis sought, on the one hand, to understand the legislation and organization of the Judiciary from the arrival of the Portuguese royal family, and the performance of the various subjects involved, including slaves, in the appeals that ended up in the Court of Appeal of the Rio de Janeiro in the period between 1833 and 1850; and, on the other hand, to analyze the procedures and types of lawsuits that gave rise to the different appeals, in order to verify whether the formal aspects of positive law were observed or not and the autonomy of the Judiciary. Judicial organization in the Brazilian Empire, whose beginnings were made some considerations about the Portuguese ordinances. In addition, an overview was drawn between the Court of Suplication and the Court’s Appeal in the period when the latter had jurisdiction of last resort. Afterwards, in the next chapter, the legislation in the period from 1833 to 1850 was approached, an analysis from the granting of the Constitution of 1824, through the enactment of the Penal Codes of 1830 and Criminal Procedure of 1832, in addition to the extravagant legislation enacted until 1850.In the third chapter, an analysis was made of the legal doctrine that served as a reference to the judges, judges, lawyers and other agents who manipulated the Law. In the fourth chapter, the Court of Appeal and its actors were approached, in addition to its jurisdictional performance and prosopographic analysis of the magistrates and lawyers that were found in the researched sources. An analysis of the contents of the interpretations of the legal decisions was also added in order to guide the legal objectives of the decisions. In the fifth chapter, the description of the judicial processes and their practices and procedures not only in the appellate scope but also of the original actions that were used at that historical moment began. In the sixth chapter, an approach was made to slavery in the Court’s Relation within the time frame of the research, tracing the different conflicts that involved slaves, both in the civil and criminal spheres. As sources of this research, 220 lawsuits were used that were processed and judged in the Court of Appeal in the period between 1833 and 1850, which are part of the collections of the National Archives, as the books described in the bibliography were used. In the end, we conclude that the Rio de Janeiro Court of Appeal, in the period between 1833 and 1850, served to legitimize the liberal policy adopted since the proclamation of Independence in 1822 as a result of the adoption of decisions from agents who were previously selected by the Imperial government in the consolidation of the Brazilian State.

The purpose of this research is to understand how the imperial elite tried to solve the serfdom issue based on the articulation and elaboration of an emancipation project that would guarantee the maintenance of its privileges and determine the fate of emancipated black people, whether in political clashes, or in narratives elaborated outside institutional spaces. Aligning emancipation, maintenance of privileges and social order seems to have been the center of the debates and proposals that resulted in the law of September 28, 1871. The narratives about emancipation and the possibilities of reinventing the social order were diverse and many scenes resulted in abolition. Debates about the conduct of the Free Womb law jumped the walls of parliament and accessed the courts, the streets, homes, the press and literature. Men and women felt that they had something to say and they did so, articulating themselves so that their ideas, projects and intentions were known and, perhaps, could interfere, influence or manipulate the institutional political project. This thesis seeks to cover part of the path between the discussion about the elaboration of the law and its enactment, even entering the alleys and alleys of these narratives: the writings that indicate how much the idea of emancipation disturbed the social imaginary of supporters of slavery (mostly landowners and enslaved people) and their rage for power and guarantee of maintaining the privileges based on the slave structure. For this, the research that I present was sewn from the presentation to the Parliament of emancipation projects in 1865, from the uneasiness generated with the official proposal of emancipation launched by D. Pedro II and from the ambiguity between the discomfort of being the last slave- owning country in the Americas and resistance to enact abolition. In this perspective, I defended, along the lines that follow, the premise that the debate around emancipation w as designed to guarantee the maintenance of the social and economic privileges of the property- owning elite and social control over freedmen and naïves through legislation, based on the mentality that formalized racism as a structural element of Brazilian society. If the imperial political elite discussed, narrated and questioned about the ways to emancipate the enslaved woman's womb, during the years that preceded the implementation of the gradual emancipation project, it also discussed, narrated and questioned about abolition and its effects , to the point of forging a historical memory of that period based on the discourse of glorification of its deeds.

ABSTRACT

This research proposes  to discuss the land conflicts in Nova Iguaçu, located in the Baixada Fluminense, aiming to analyze the collective organization of rural workers in the settlements of Pedra Lisa, Campo Alegre, Marapicu and Fazenda São Bernardino and the involvement the Diocese of Nova Iguaçu, through the land pastoral, the Diocesan Commission for Justice and Peace and the speeches of Diocesan Bishop, Dom Adriano Hypólito, who, in light of the interdependence between faith and politics sought to find a peaceful solution to alleviate conflicts in the region. t is detected that the emergence of the Civil-Military Coup established in 1964 in Brazil and consequently, in the authoritarian regime that continued until 1985, increased tension and conflicts in the region, as a result of land occupations. The consequences of this tension can be seen in the execution of eviction orders, repossession decrees, in court battles and in the strong repression by land grabbers and landowners against rural workers and their families, culminating in the murder of peasants and religious leaders, printing the mark of violence in disputes for land in Nova Iguaçu. It is noteworthy that the theoretical references and the legal and historical documents under analysis reinforce, on the one hand, the thesis that the occupations that took place in the region are a product of the concentration of land that has regimented the agrarian structure for long centuries in Brazil. For another, it reveals the understanding of rural workers and squatter in relations to land use rights, since start to conceive property as a social good, demanding its expropriations from the competent authorities for purposes of public utility

The work aims to understand the path taken by the documentary sets of municipal, notary and parochial funds accumulated throughout the history of Vassouras. For this, it was essential to follow the chain of events that led to the Creation of the Historical Documentation Center of Vassouras linked to Severino Sombra University in 1987. In order to understand the context that enabled the creation of the HDC, it was necessary to go back to the creation of the History course at the USS in 1972. A few years after the creation of the course, work began on surveying the primary sources of the city of Vassouras. The transformations in Brazilian archival historiography from the 1960s were crucial for these archival funds to gain visibility. The theme also invites a reflection on the importance of the archive for the historian and to understand the material structure of the archive, as a space for preservation and access to information.

This paper will investigate the construction of the cannabis criminalization and prohibition campaign in the United States in the years 1900-1937. For this task, we carried out an analysis focused on the social history of the prohibitionist phenomenon. The study is based on journalistic, filmographic and legislative sources selected based on their relevance in the context of the elaboration of American prohibitionism. Of the articles selected in journals, we highlight the article by Harry J. Anslinger, Marihuana: assassin of youth, published in the American Magazine in 1937; the article Tea for a Viper, by Meyer Berger that reports the context of New York’s marijuana purchase and consumption in the 1930s. In addition, we highlight three articles that discuss marijuana as a terrible social problem: War on marihuana urged on parents (The New York Times), Campaign battles marihuana weed (New York Times), Loco Weed Hoodoos Horses (The Washington Post). To analyze the representation of cannabis in the entertainment industry, we selected one of the most emblematic anti-marijuana films produced in the United States, Reefer Madness (1936). To gauge the practical effects of the marijuana criminalization campaign, we analyzed the conference transcript at the congress to establish the first federal legislation to control cannabis trade, production and distribution, as well as the 1937 marijuana tax law, the Marihuana Tax Act. Another source to be analyzed will be the study funded by the Mayor of New York, Fiorello LaGuardia, on the problem of marijuana in the city (The Marihuana Problem in the City of New York. Mayor's Committee on Marihuana), published in 1944, with the purpose of clarifying rumors about the alleged marijuana problem that New York City had been facing. The research, therefore, has as a central problem understanding the construction of the campaign to ban marijuana and the process of criminalization of the plant and its consumers. We understand that the importance of these questioning is supported by the contestation of prohibitionism as one of the most inefficient policies to control substance use present today. Understanding the construction of the campaign that criminalized marijuana in the United States, from the selected outline (1900-1937), can help us understand the phenomena resulting from this policy of interdiction that generates social inequalities.

The research seeks, through the press and the Proceedings of the Chamber of Deputies, to analyze the process of extinction of the militias in Rio de Janeiro, which occurred in 1831, which was due to the Law of creation of the National Guard, through the  discussions that arise in the carioca press and in the political circles from 1830 to 1834.

The period before the abdication of d. Pedro I was a time of political effervescence, when political groups, with different government projects, sought space in the development of the Brazilian State. All this in the midst of a major political and military crisis in the country, in the search for the construction of a model of Empire and citizenship. It is intended to analyze the end of the militias as part of a modernizing political project of a segregating and elitist Brazil in the post-Revolution of 7 April.

This dissertation investigates masculinities in the serial novels Helena and Yayá Garcia, published respectively in 1876 and 1878. The work consists of observing gender relations, the plurality of male figurations and the ways in which these characters refer to values, ideals, qualities and ways of being a man, in force in the nineteenth century in Brazil. In this research, we also address the relationships between the concepts of fiction, literature and history in serial novels. Thus, the hypothesis of a Machadian “watercolor of masculinities” was elaborated, in which it was possible to map each figuration elaborated by the writer, present in these two nineteenth-century literary works

This present study aims to analyze the foreign comics published on O Tico-Tico magazine between the years of 1905 and 1910 throughout the current discussion about the national occurring in Brazil in that period. O Tico Tico was the first successful children’s magazine to course around Brazil. It’s editorial project came up after the segmentation process of the O Malho’s journal and the beliefs of intelectuals like Manoel Bomfim, Luís Bartolomeu de Souza e Silva, Renato Castro and Cardoso Luís, in education as a tool of social transformation. Through the medium of it’s informative, ludical and instrutive content, the magazine aimed to educate those who would be the future brazilian citizens, taking it’s part on the debate about the schooled education during the first republican years. The comics published on the magazine, especially the foreign ones, were the main channel of disclosure about an amount of norms and recommendations that had the goal to form a citizen who was disciplined and prepared to the capitalist relations under development. The engagement against the indolence, addictions, valorization of schooling, the country and labour relations were some of the ideas that were prominent in the foreign comics that were adapted by the magazine’s editors to the national reality

This dissertation aims to understand how the Portuguese Holy Office represented itself before society, in the first half of the 17th century - more specifically between the general pardon of 1605 and the battle against the Jesuits of the University of Évora, in 1641-3 . That is, what is the point of view that the institution produced about itself and how did it present itself and defend itself before those who criticized it. When we realized that the Holy Office imagined itself not only as a judge of heresy, but as a defender of the Catholic Church itself, we sought to analyze the speeches that the institution produced to justify its action regarding the prerogatives over the judgment of heresy, the importance its existence for the disciplining of Portuguese society, and the privileges that the Court should obtain even if the matter did not touch on matters of faith and customs. Therefore, we investigated several topics with the intention of presenting, through the analysis of sources, the main speeches and positions of the characters mentioned in this study, that is, the communication that took place between the new Christians, inquisitors, Jesuits and the Crown. Finally, the analysis that addresses this dissertation will seek to answer the following issues: What are the topics and themes used in the defense of the Court? How were the discursive images of defense and justification of the Inquisition produced?

Eugenics was a scientific and social movement that intended to apply knowledge about heredity to the social environment, seeking to racially "improve" some human types. Created in England in the second half of the 19th century, it spread to several countries in the first decades of the 20th century. In Brazil, eugenics became associated with the medical-sanitary workers and psychiatric movement and gained several supporters among the most celebrated scientists and authorities of the time, reaching the apex of its recognition with the holding of the First Brazilian Congress of Eugenics in Rio de Janeiro in July 1929. In the present master thesis we will deal with this Eugenics Congress, its participants and its discussions, which went beyond the event itself and the publications restricted to the inner circle of doctors, intellectuals, and sympathizers of eugenics, and found its way into the pages of periodicals in Rio de Janeiro state aimed at a broad public. As the main source of this work, we privileged articles from several newspapers, magazines, and other periodicals from the aforementioned Brazilian state. In this way, besides retrieving possibly unpublished material about the event and its works, we sought to analyze the discussions and the personal disputes and political projects within Brazilian eugenics at the turn of the 1920s to the 1930s.

In 2014, the 1964 Brazilian coup d'état completed half a century. To celebrate the occasion, the Military Club edited a special edition of its magazine, dedicated to remembering the events that led up to the episode. Launched amidst the crisis of Brazil’s democratic-representative political model — whose consequences can be felt up to the moment this text was written — the work aims to combat what its creators denounce as a “rereading of facts”. For them, the mainstream media, historians and the left would be united, articulating the dissemination of what they consider “a biased history”, written with the objective of reaffirming the convictions of the groups defeated in 1964. Fruit of a scenario where collective remembrance and political instability mixed up, the publication tries to build a positive look at the participation of the Brazilian Armed Forces: in the national political history, just at the moment when requests for a “military intervention” are again registered by the country. Therefore, this dissertation seeks to contribute to studies on the uses of past, starting from texts found in the Military Club Review: the house of the Republic. The interest falls on issue number 452 of the magazine. In it, a dossier reproduces, through articles, essays and materials from the period, the view that members and “friends” of the association preserve and disseminate about the events that ended the democratic experiment begun in 1946. The hypothesis is that there is an ongoing process of elaboration of statements by supporters of the regime, of which this material would be part, and that it would be related to the recent rise of figures with authoritarian discourses in the Brazilian political scenario. The idea is that it would be possible to try to understand some characteristics of the thought of these individuals and, consequently, of the groups they are part of, through an analysis of the material observed here, taking as a premise the potential that propositions about the past have to guide political actions at the moment of his enunciation.

The object of  this study is the relationship between art and life in the thoughts of the Irish writer Oscar Wilde (1854–1900). The main reference source is Wilde’s autobiographical epistle, posthumously titled De Profundis, written by Wilde while in Reading Gaol prison, in 1897, after the playwright was sentenced to two years of hard labour for "gross indecency". In addition to this letter, we have also studied other Wilde’s works, such as the essays "The Decay of Lying", "The Critic as Artist", and "The Soul of Man under Socialism"; which directly connects with our main reference source. In general, we argue in favour of the hypothesis that, from the notions of self writing and aesthetics of existence, De Profundis shows not only a continuation of Wilde's defense of the main ideals of aestheticism, but also an attempt by the writer to bestow a coherent image of himself to posterity. In addition to this, the Irish artist, due to his experience in prison and the public humiliation he suffered, assimilates the suffering and sadness in his aesthetic thinking. In this way, he resumes and deepens his proposal of a critical ethical elaboration, intermediated by artistic enjoyment and with potential for resistance to normativity, which he calls "individualism".

The research analyzes the relationships between masters, slaves and freedmen from the actions of freedom in the town of Porto Feliz during the second half of the 19th century. Therefore, it investigates how kinship ties and other forms of solidarity were of paramount importance to achieve freedom, or at least experience freedom. From the crossing of sources, social relations of those involved in freedom actions are apprehended beyond legal issues. Furthermore, the persistence of the slave system during the second half of the 19th century can be seen, despite the emergence and intensification of emancipatory and abolitionist ideas. In this sense, it appears that small possessions of slaves predominated, whose masters were largely responsible for sustaining slave values. The research was conducted based on the crossing of information from the records of freedom, parish baptism, marriage and death records, post-mortem inventories and newspapers.

This thesis proposes to approach the MEB from a new analytical perspective. Unlike the historiography on the movement – which

 does not discuss the place of this political force in national agrarian debates –, we seek to analyze MEB's political action in the

 Brazilian field, between 1961 and 1966. We discuss how the concept of “peasant” and the nature of the “agrarian reform” were

 characterized in the teaching materials Viver é lutar, Mutirão and Educar para construir, during the three phases of the movement, 

the modernizing phase (1961), when the movement was much closer to the national episcopal arguments, seeing rural problems

 through agricultural bias, indicating as solutions the expansion of access to rural credit, the formation of cooperatives, the technical

 training of rural workers, the creation of social centers, the dissemination of medical-sanitary knowledge and public-private

partnerships (State, employer and rural workers); the progressive phase (1962 to 1964), when the movement significantly 

approached the assumptions of the encyclical Mater et Magistra, criticizing imperialism, socioeconomic inequality and land

 concentration, and defending the political participation of workers, the realization of a reform agrarian, which democratized

 access to small private property (reinforcing its emancipatory role), and the State's role as guarantor of access to credit, 

professional training and the formation of cooperatives; the conservative progressive phase (1965-1966), a time when the

 MEB was aligned with the modernizing proposals of the military government, resuming the guidelines of 1961, but maintained 

some proposals of Christian reformism. Our analysis has as its axis the signs of “peasant” and the nature of “agrarian reform”,

 because, around them, rich debates were produced by the forces that worked in the rural environment, and privileges the 

didactic groups, because the aforementioned didactic sets materialized the political objectives of the movement's leading

 nucleus – since through them this sector was able to speak directly with rural workers, acting in the constitution of their ways

 of life and their worldviews. Adopting as theoretical-methodological references the ideas developed by Thompson, Romano,

Marx and Engels, Chauí, Bakhtin Circle, Williams, Fairclough and Scott, we attempt to make a two-dimensional analysis of

 these materials, discussing their textual structure as a politicaleconomic conjuncture in which they are inserted – considering

 it as, at the same time, social practices that reflect class conflicts and elements by which they try to interfere and change 

ways of life. Thus, we use a variety of sources: bulletins and guidelines from the MEB's National Directing Council (CDN),

 legal documents signed or produced by the movement, correspondence exchanged between monitors, students and 

coordinators, agendas and materials from their monitors' training meetings, reports sent by the monitors to the State 

Coordination and to the CDN of MEB, annals of the coordinators' meetings, pastoral letters, works of the main pecebistas 

theorists and leaders of the Peasant Leagues, official documents of the main political and economic organizations that acted

 in the field, bills that circulated at the federal congress and periodicals linked to rural movements with a Marxist orientation, 

the Catholic Church and the mainstream press

This study analyzes the trajectory of the Pereira Belém family, having as its guiding thread the figure of Enéas Pereira Belém, a black man, who lived in the city of Nova Iguaçu, at the beginning of the 20th century. The research makes a reverse trip and reaches the beginning of the second half of the 19th century, in the parish of Nossa Senhora da Conceição do Bananal, in Itaguaí, when João Pereira Belém, Enéas’ father, starts this branch of the family. The history of this family is also the history of so many other black families who migrated to Nova Iguaçu at the end of the 19th century. If many families made their journey from Vale do Paraíba, here we have a process of internal migration, that is, within the Baixada Fluminense itself, between Itaguaí and Nova Iguaçu. These families settled in downtown and found in the civil service a possibility for establish themselves, inasmuch as they did not have land. The establishment in Nova Iguaçu downtown allowed them to have access to various resources such as education, health, commerce and everything that life in downtown of a rapidly expanding city could provide. In this stabilization, they created social networks that advanced not only to the Worlds of Labor linked to the public administration, but were also present in leisure spaces, in sports clubs, such as the Filhos de Iguaçu, in soccer tournaments, in bicycle races, at dancing balls, Sunday activity, matinees, carnival balls, among many other activities held in these clubs. These places of leisure, of congregation, also became Enéas' main area of activity, that in much of his life, dedicated time and passion for what he loved most, the Filhos de Iguaçu club. Born as a dissident of the Iguaçu club, Filhos de Iguaçu was possibly a space for black associations in the first decades of the 20th century, a club that erased the history of its founders. Probably, Enéas was one of those founders, but no documents were found to reveal them identities and the reason for this scission between the clubs. The Pereira Belém family is also part of the Filhos de Iguaçu universe, insofar as it is possible to observe in the publication of the meeting minutes the mention of other members of the family participating in the club's activities. To tell the history of the Pereira Belém family is to tell the history of many other families, erased histories, lost histories, some yet to be found, of a post-abolition lived in the Baixada Fluminense.

In 1498 the Portuguese arrived in the Orient, where they established a network of commerce, trading posts, and fortresses. The expansion of the Catholic faith in the East was fundamental as one of the support pillars for Portuguese political power. The natives' conversion project aimed to homogenize local societies and establish loyalty to the King of Portugal. This thesis analyzes the initiatives to coerce the conversion and indoctrinate native boys and girls (pueri) between seven and fourteen years old – in territories in India under Portuguese influence, especially in Goa between the 16th and 17th centuries. Our research shows that the Jesuits, the Father of Christians, and other colonial authorities used the native boys and girls for multiple tasks, including the expansion of Catholicism in the East itself. The recruitment of native boys at the Colégio de São Paulo was promoted for decades and aimed to expand the project of civilization through faith. In this way, we discuss how the boys were converted, indoctrinated, and disciplined to be incorporated into the missions and the colonial expansion project. Different sources are analyzed to achieve these aims, such as letters and permits from the King of Portugal and the Viceroy of the "Estado da India," decrees of the Goa Provincial Councils, a compilation of laws on the Christianization linked to the Father of Christians' actions, as well as manumission records written by him and letters from the Jesuits who missioned in the East.

This research intends to study and analyze the political organization and action of the elites of Maranhão, in the 19th century, between 1842 and 1875, during the elections. It seeks to understand the configuration (and reconfigurations) of the political groups from Maranhão at that time. The elections (and frauds) for elective positions in the central and provincial governments were certainly a singular moment that mobilized local political groups; they also evidenced their actions, identities and strength. It will be, therefore, a crucial and recurrent subject of this work. The first part of the research covers the period immediately after the end of the Balaiada revolt until the year 1875, promulgation of the Lei do Terço. This extended period allows for a more in-depth look at the profile of the elite at that time. In this part, I will focus on the deputies from Maranhão elected to the General Chamber and in the Senators. On a smaller scale, I will use, whenever necessary, information from other important institutions, notably the Municipal Chambers (of São Luís and Caxias) and the Provincial Assembly. In the second part, the analysis begins in 1855 and ends in 1864. In it, I will go into more detail when discussing the electoral disputes. One institutional actor in particular, the President of the Province, becomes central in the conflicts of the elites, and he will also be analyzed based on the references made to him and his interventions in the elections. To investigate the identities and organization of elites at the provincial level, I will focus on a specific source: newspapers of the period. A broader documental corpus will serve to confront, whenever possible, these characterizations and identifications with institutional actions: the minutes and annals of the Senate, the General and Provincial Assembly, the notices of the Ministry of the Empire and the reports of the provincial presidents. Finally, the collections of Laws of the Empire and of the Province will help to understand the institutional organization.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate the elaboration of the experience of time in the poem O Guesa for the constitution of meaning in the history of America and Brazil. The strategy used consists in the analysis of the linguistic resources used in the construction of the poem's temporal textures and of the relationship they assume in the composition of the epic plot. In order to understand this narrative investment, the research follows the existential and transcontinental journey of the character Guesa through the twelve chants of the epic, where, mixed with the voice of the epic narrator, the pilgrim make critical assessments about the achievements of modernity and the Iberian colonization in the Americas, as well as regarding the Brazil’s Second Reign. Despite the preponderant role of these criticisms in the epic plot, the initial hypothesis of this thesis is that the epic O Guesa is not limited to these denunciations, its two descents into hell consisting of a combinatorial art that opens up a vast dramaturgical field from which it becomes possible to think of other configurations and representations for the history of Brazil and America.

The Monastery of Santa Mônica in Goa, founded in 1606, was the first female convent house in the East. The Governor of the Estado da Índia and Archbishop of Goa, D. Frei Aleixo de Meneses, was his idealizer and founder. This was the main women foundation of the religious who dedicated much of his life to the works of support for women in Portuguese possessions. The monastery was under the protection of the Archbishop’s religious family, the Order of the Hermits of Saint Augustine and, beside the recollection of Our Lady of the Sierra and the recollection of Saint Mary Magdalene, formed the tripod of women’s institutions in India. Many women from the same family professed together in the monastery, contributing to the formation of family groups. This custom was common in the conventual houses scattered in the Portuguese and Spanish colonies. The present study seeks to discuss the formation of these parentage groups in the first three decades of their foundation – period in which the institution Augustine was inserted in a conflict sparked by the Senate of the House of Goa.

This paper aims at analyzes the case of appropriation of medieval hagiography in the book of the apostle Valdemiro Santiago de Oliveira, The Great Deliverance, through the approaches of North American medievalism. Thus, the research aims to bring to the debate on the Middle Ages new reflections beyond the concepts of reminiscence and long duration, introducing in this debate the studies of postcolonial medievalisms, applying it to the case of medieval hagiographic production as a form of appropriation. for the legitimation of Valdemiro Santiago as an apostle and his image as an exceptional man.

This task aims to comprehend the relations between the Catholic Workers Youth (JOC) and the Revolutionary Left Organizations in Volta Redonda, and their forms of struggle and resistance to the Brazilian State from 1962 to 1971. It also searches through the experience and memory of former militants understand JOC's trajectory the city above spoken, as well as the causes that led to its disarticulation in the early 70's. The JOC in Volta Redonda was created in 1962 and acted an important role in the combat for the rights of young workers, a fact which caused to be persecuted and silenced after the 1964´s coup. However, the arrival of Bishop D. Waldyr Calheiros in 1966, brought a kind of a revival of the group, which became stronger and became involved in social issues attracting the attention of revolutionary leftist organizations like as (POLOP, VAR-PALMARES, PC do B), which approached the JOC and initiated a joint action to criticize the military. Nevertheless, these actions were contrary to the policy of the Brazilian state, which considered them as subversive. This fact led to a great repression, resulting in the arrest and torture of several militants from these two groups, disrupting the JOC´s group experience in the city.

The present work intends to analyze how the Atlantic trafficking of enslaved Africans has been approached in the teaching of African history in recent years (2014-2018), based on the analysis of didactic collections of History produced by PNLD, given the importance and the valuation of African history in Basic Education. In order to understand the production of privileged approaches to the trafficking of Africans in the teaching of history, using the History textbook as a documentary source, we will take into account the relevance of Brazilian historiographical production on the Atlantic trafficking, the impact of the didactic material production policy in Brazil and the consolidation of Africa and Africans history teaching in Brazil as a permanent action of school guidelines and official documents in the last two decades. In addition, we will use the analysis of teaching practices as a way of understanding how this Atlantic history of the African Diaspora has been interpreted and executed in the teaching of school history. Finally, we will point out new ways and strategies of approaches by which the history of African trafficking can be taught and addressed at school and in other learning spaces.

A recent history of Brasilian Communist Party, PCB, with cutting the Central Comitee and its internal struggles. The enphasis on “Deviation and Directions” on the  higher instance of the Party, with a start in the back of its communist leaders from exile, a return in the context of the redemocratization.

A study of the beginning of a new leadership group starting from the internal dispute of the Central Committee. Analyzing the exhaustion of an ancient leadership group, attached to Prestes, the internal struggles and confrontations with the opposite extreme, nucleated by the "renovators", a sympathetic sector to the proposals of what was agreed to be called Eurocommunism; and, as a political center, it overcame its internal adversaries and consolidated itself as a new hegemonic and leading sector within the Central Committee, guaranteeing a monopoly on political formulations.

In our work we observe intellectual productions as a form of discourse, which propose a formulation of images and ideas about the world and for the world, and does so as a work of language. In this sense, the texts are made from the reflections of their authors. Our goal is to analyze how the identities of intellectuals are formed from the transformations of the Cuban Revolution, understanding the role and function of the intellectual within society. This identity is never static or homogeneous and enters into crisis when intellectuals disagree with the political field. When this happens, this tension becomes a self-exile.

In this dissertation, our aim is to analyze how the Normans were used as an instrument of God's punishment, to verify the legitimacy of the Church of Saint-Germain-des-Près. Therefore, we will analyze the speeches preserved by the clerics of the period, seeking to identify their matrix guideline which produces the discourse, in addition to understanding a relationship between incursions and social dynamics in the Frankish kingdom, after the death of Luís, the Pio. Moreover, we will analyze how the Norman concept has begun to attribute an ethnic meaning and to represent, in a homogeneous way, the whole set of advanced peoples which had come from Scandinavia during the migration period and its connection with French historiography, which identified and represented the Normans, for centuries, from the referential created by the Carolingian clerics.

ABSTRACT

The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze "Martin Luther: A Destiny", a work by the historian Lucien Febvre, in 1928. In writing the book, Febvre stated that his work should not be read as a biographical piece. However, it possesses all the characteristics of such historiographic genre. Thus, how can it not be called a biography? To answer this paradox, this work aims to comprehend who was Lucien Febvre, which was his role in the Annales movement, in the French Historiography, and which concept of History he defended. In order to do so, the reception of his work by the Academia will be mapped, as well as the structural changes of the prologues, and the characteristics of Febvre's biographical writings will be identified. Through the comprehension of Febvre's intellectual positioning and his path as a researcher, it will be possible to obtain the necessary elements to understand his rejection of perception of his work as a biographical writing.