The so-called "multispecies family" is formed by the relationship between humans
and their pets, who build bonds and cultivate ties. The idea of building kinship with
dogs and cats and the claim to use new terms are unfoldings of the transformations in
sensitivity towards pets, whose lives have come to be considered morally valuable.
The new moral status of dogs and cats allows us to understand the characteristics of
this family arrangement through comparison with studies of family and kinship
concerning the human family. Along with these changes came new obligations and
responsibilities that must be fulfilled through "responsible guardianship." This
relationship inscribes pets in a logic of "care" in which the dynamics of feeding,
health care, hygiene, and leisure should promote the animal's "well-being." The
consumption of products and services then presents itself as one of the unfoldings of
this form of "care." In this sense, the analysis of the pet market helps us understand
the development of the participation of pets in social life as family members and
consumers. This market occupies the third position in the world, just as Brazil has the
third largest pet population, with approximately 150 to 160 million pets. In this sense,
the objective of this dissertation is to understand how moral transformations, the
"care" model, and the notions of "well-being" and "responsible ownership" are
appropriated by the pet market, which develops its own interpretation of these
categories and establishes a moral imperative of consumption for members of the
"multispecies family." In light of this, moral and economic reflections are made to
decide which products and services should be part of the family's routine. The
analysis of the changes in the moral status of pets was constructed through
bibliographic research on the anthropology of human-animal relations and
documentary research. The theoretical basis for the comparison between the
"multispecies family" model and the human family was based on anthropological
studies on family and kinship. The empirical research involved an ethnographic
description of a dog and cat adoption fair and informal and formal interviews with
people who consider their animals as part of the family, volunteers from the NGO

that organized the fair, and an animal rights activist working in the municipality of
Seropédica. To understand the presence of the pet market in this process, an
ethnographic description of a visit to a pet store was produced for mapping and
qualitative analysis of the descriptions on the packaging of the products offered.

My work aims to investigate the impact of late diagnosis of Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) on autistic women and girls, emphasizing the difficulties faced by this group regarding the gender inequality that influences this process. The research seeks to reveal the social and personal implications of late diagnosis, highlighting how ASD has, over the years, been underdiagnosed in females, since its manifestations tend to be more subtle, coupled with the strategy of camouflage (masking), which is more common among women. The research also takes into consideration the intersectionalities of class, race, and disability, which influence the perception and access to diagnosis, contributing to the invisibility of female autism. The dissertation uses a qualitative and quantitative approach, using ethnographic methods and statistical analyses, with the goal of understanding how autistic women experience the diagnostic process and the consequences of this delay on their lives.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the pronouncements of Senators in the
Brazilian Federal Senate on abortion in the years 2023 and 2024, identifying the
argumentation and positioning of parliamentarians, and comparing them with
publications on Instagram. Based on the use of “abortion” as a category of
accusation, I investigate how this term is mobilized in parliamentary speeches and on
social media to construct political narratives. The research follows a discourse analysis
and content analysis approach, allowing us to understand the
argumentative patterns and rhetorical strategies used. This study contributes to the
debate on political polarization by highlighting how abortion is used as an ideological
marker in the public space. In addition, it broadens the understanding of the role of
social networks in the construction of this political polarization and allows reflections
on the impact on democracy.

For the present research project for the elaboration of the thesis in the PPGCS aims to
research the armed paramilitary group called "League of Justice". It is an armed group that had
significant social notoriety, mainly in the media and in the law. It was the subject of a police
investigation that culminated in the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry. The Justice League was
considered “the largest militia in Rio de Janeiro, with the participation and leadership of parliamentarians, active and inactive police officers, firefighters, prison guards, municipal guards and civilians.

[19:26, 10/06/2024] Odila Orientanda ELERJ: This work is dedicated to understanding a topic that has not yet been explored: how the actions of the State Legislative Power have affected the field of violence and Public Security. To this end, the object of study will be how the Legislative Projects produced in the legislature between 2019-2023 of the Legislative Assembly of the State of Rio de Janeiro contributed to the public security policy in the State through the consolidation of public policies in the face of the high crime rates that affect the Rio de Janeiro territory. From this perspective, we seek to reflect on the details of the profile of party benches and parliamentarians who presented proposals, in a field of tension and force that results in the approval or not of bills aimed at resolving conflicts in public security and urban violence in order to test, whether capital politics of parliamentarians and their parties influences the progress and, consequently, approval of legislative proposals. My hypothesis is that there are few approvals of laws on the subject of violence and public security, but that it is an issue that mobilizes the party benches and practically all deputies, crossed by a field of tensions and forces. Furthermore, the political capital of deputies influences the approval of a project more than its own content and that bills with more than one author, as they involve alliances, mobilize more interest and greater political capital, thus obtaining a greater chance of being approved in the legislature.

The state of Rio de Janeiro is experiencing a notorious political and economic crisis. In addition to the drop in GDP
and unemployment, the political news presents a succession of institutional dysfunctions, with emphasis on the arrest of several former governors on corruption charges and several state deputies for the same reason. Such dynamic coincides with the national process of crisis of democracy analyzed by Wanderley Guilherme dos Santos (2017), André Singer (2018), Leonardo Avritzer (2019) among others, and it has been placed within a broader and global concept of crisis of democracy . Within the scope of Brazilian political science, this general debate is related to a more specific understanding based on the notion of coalition presidentialism, which was created by Sérgio
Abranches in 1988 to explain what he calls the “Brazilian institutional dilemma”: the fact that the president is elected with a majority of votes in a majority election, but his party does not obtain the majority of parliament, since this election is carried out in a proportional system, creating a situation of party fragmentation in Congress. This research investigates how this constitutional arrangement occurs within the state of Rio de Janeiro and it is based on the hypothesis that, despite the deep crisis, the standard of Rio de Janeiro politics does not clash with the national one and that coalitions between the executive power and state legislature are solid and guarantee institutional stability.

The theme of this research is religious discourse on violence in the Baixada Fluminense. Its
source is the liturgical newspaper A Folha, from 1972 to 1984. This liturgical pamphlet was
distributed by the Diocese of Nova Iguaçu and its articles, influenced by Liberation Theology,
discussed national and international politics and local problems, such as the growing violence in

the area, since in this specific period, groups known as death squads were emerging. The central
objective is to analyze the Catholic religious discourse in the liturgical newspaper A Folha on
violence in the Baixada Fluminense and the discursive strategies used, given the period of
censorship instituted by the military dictatorship, using critical discourse analysis as a
methodology. This work also aims to discuss whether this religious discourse promoted a sense
of identity with the Baixada Fluminense and how it contributed to the construction of a social
movement in the territory, presenting the religious controversies between politics and religion.

The present dissertation focuses on the analysis of clandestine graves in Baixada Fluminense
(Rio de Janeiro). The research aims to discuss, alongside the social sciences bibliography, what
clandestine graves—commonly referred to as clandestine cemeteries—are and what roles they
play in a society divided by race, class, and gender and marked by high violent lethality. The
study seeks to construct and analyze georeferenced maps based on a systematic review of the
Disque Denúncia database, selecting reports on clandestine graves from 2016 to 2020 and
plotting the locations on My Maps for a better understanding of the phenomenon of disappearing
bodies in Baixada Fluminense (RJ). Furthermore, the research aims to describe and classify the
techniques, methods, and procedures used by criminals and armed groups with territorial control
to dispose of bodies, as reported in anonymous complaints. There exists an extensive repertoire
of powers and knowledge from both the "governments of crime" and the State itself for managing
life and death, in which clandestine graves serve as a shared technique of terror employed by
these different actors, who sometimes compete and sometimes collaborate to expand or maintain
their governance—in this case, in Baixada Fluminense.

This study is an ethnography of the sociability and friendship networks of victims of armed
violence in Baixada Fluminense, Rio de Janeiro. It seeks to investigate memories and narratives,
addressing the plots that circumscribe conflicts around two intricate dimensions: the dispute over

the meaning of violent experiences and, as a backdrop, the actions of armed groups for territorial
domination. In this context, the analysis focuses on the processes involved in the production of
meanings concerning the experiences and the emotional underpinnings of these relationships.To
this end, the concept of fragmented and negotiated memories, as proposed by Portelli (2006), is
employed, with attention to the social bonds that underpin these relationships. And the spaces in
which these events transpire, as spheres of meaning (Damatta, 1997) that are transmuted into spaces
of death (Taussig, 1993), are also of significance.In the narratives, imagination emerges as a means
of articulating experiences that are ineffable to others. To this end, narrative interviews were
conducted with friends of two victims who were murdered in September 2019 and February 2024.

The present study aims to analyze the relevance of the environmental theme,
highlighting the impacts of negationism in the recent past by testing the hypothesis
that climate negationism influences national climate and environmental policy. To
achieve this, the study seeks to deepen the understanding of what the literature
refers to as the negationist discourse, characterized by the rejection or distortion of
scientific, historical, or social facts. This phenomenon has gained increasing
importance in contemporary politics, initially associated with marginal movements

but later incorporated by influential political figures, gaining prominence in
electoral campaigns and the formulation of public policies that flirt with an
antidemocratic logic and hyper-reactionary neoliberalism. In Brazil, Jair Messias
Bolsonaro, both as a candidate and as an elected president, emerged as one of the
main exponents of negationism, using this strategy as a central tool in his political
rhetoric. During the campaign, Bolsonaro adopted a controversial discourse that
sought to discredit the risks of the pandemic and opposed social isolation. His
speeches and actions were criticized by various sectors of society, the scientific
community, and the international media, leading to an increase in studies on the
impacts of the president's negationist discourse regarding the severity of the
pandemic. For the analysis of this rhetoric, the study adopts a methodological
approach inspired by discourse analysis from a Foucauldian perspective. Michel
Foucault emphasized the intersection of discourse and power, indicating that the
production of discourse is controlled and organized by processes that seek to avert
its dangers. The author questioned the assumptions of modernity and developed a
critique of the emergence of the human sciences, addressing discursive formations
and genealogies that help understand changes and transitions in historical contexts.
From Foucault's perspective, negationism is seen as a manifestation of discourse
that exercises power. It is not merely a rejection of truth but a strategic practice that
seeks to create new truths and power relations. The study of negationism, in light of
Foucault's theories, reveals the complexity of struggles for control of truth in
society. In this view, negationism is regarded as a manifestation of discourse that
exercises power, not just a rejection of truth, but a strategic practice aimed at
creating new realities and power relations. By understanding negationism as an
exercise of power through discourse, we can observe its profound impact on
society, shaping perceptions, influencing policies, and reconfiguring the field of
knowledge. The investigation will utilize discourse theory and critical discourse
analysis as tools to study negationist discourses. The analysis will include: a)
Bolsonaro's discourse during the 2018 presidential campaign and an analysis of
what denialism is and how this concept branches out in politics; b) The main actors
involved in this discourse and in Bolsonaro's political agenda; c) The content of the
2018 and 2022 government programs, mapping political agendas. This approach
will allow for an understanding of the trajectory of Bolsonaro's environmental
management and its nuances, contributing to the debate on the consequences of
Bolsonaro's administration on Brazilian climate and environmental policy.

The analysis of the dynamics observed in the Azul Vermelho community reveals that the phe-
nomenon of militias in Rio de Janeiro cannot be understood in a homogeneous manner or de-

tached from the State itself. Through a situated ethnographic approach, it was observed how,
after the death of Ecko in 2021, territorial disputes and alliances between different criminal
groups intensified, resulting in a hybrid configuration where practices traditionally associated with
drug trafficking began to coexist with militia dominance. This work identifies that militias, in their
3.0 phase, operate in a grey zone between legality and illegality, articulating with both state
agents and criminal factions to expand their economic and political power. The dissertation

seeks to demonstrate how these criminal organizations transcend the logic of mere local coer-
cion, directly influencing territorial order, economic practices, and even elections, revealing a

consolidated form of criminal governance. Through dialogue with authors such as Lessing, Das
& Poole, and Palermo, it is shown that the presence of the state, far from neutralizing militias,

ends up legitimizing and reproducing their practices, expanding the margins of violence and in-
formality. By combining participant observation, interviews, and theoretical analysis, the study

offers a contribution to understanding the intersections between State, violence, and criminality
in contemporary Rio de Janeiro.

Bolsonarism is a recent Brazilian phenomenon that has indeed permeated the country's social
fabric and stirred the passions of countless Brazilians disillusioned with conventional politics.
One of the Bolsonaro government's actions was the attempt to facilitate public access to firearms,
even if—through unconstitutional means—it required resorting to numerous decrees and
ordinances to fulfill campaign promises. Beyond arming ordinary civilians, this measure
regarding gun control directly benefited pro-gun groups. The most prominent of these is Pro
Armas (Pro Guns), which operates both on social media and institutionally, having even elected
political representatives. Both Bolsonarism and the pro-gun movement share a particular notion
of freedom, based on neoliberalism, which shapes a worldview with certain moral values. Aiming
for a larger-scale analysis, the objective of this dissertation focuses on how Bolsonarism and the
pro-gun movement employ this discourse on freedom—anti-political and anti-democratic—to
craft a worldview that relegates the social and public spheres to the background. Thus, the very
notion of public security ceases to exist. We sought to combine a bibliography that could
highlight some traits of these new Brazilian social phenomena, alongside statistical data on
violence in Brazil and renowned authors on neoliberalism. Additionally, this bibliography was
paired with a virtual ethnography concerning the pro-gun group Pro Armas. The first chapter
reconstructs the national political scenario on firearm control since the end of the last century,
spanning the Disarmament Statute (Estatuto do Desarmamento) and culminating in the shift that
lead to the deregulation of firearms during Bolsonaro’s goverment. The second chapter presents
an ethnography of the pro-gun group Pro Armas, specifically on its Instagram, and examines how
the discourse on freedom is used by both the pro-gun movement and Bolsonarism to legitimize
firearms in the hands of "upstanding citizens". Finally, the last chapter explores how CACs
(Collectors, Shooters, and Hunters [Caçadores, Atiradores e Colecionadores]) organize
themselves and how the worldview present in the pro-gun movement is shaped by the discourse
towards freedom—originating in neoliberalism and aiming at the destruction of the social.

As the Fundão dam collapse (Mariana, MG) nears its ten-year mark, this dissertation centers its
main reflections on the reparative actions conducted by the Renova Foundation in the
municipality of Barra Longa (MG). For this work, I analyzed legal agreements (such as the TTAC,
TAP, A-TAP, and TAC-Gov), Renova Foundation reports, and technical notes issued by the
Technical Chamber for Tailings Management and Environmental Safety. The dissertation also
draws on dialogues with local leaders and materials produced by technical advisory teams.
Accompanied by anthropological and sociological approaches to disasters (Teixeira, 2024; Zhouri,
2023; Valencio, 2014; Silva, 2004; Das, 1995), I seek to explore the production of disaster and the
multiple temporalities woven into this context, as shaped by the grammars and procedures set in
motion by the first "major agreement," the Transaction and Conduct Adjustment Term (TTAC).
Among the 42 socioenvironmental and socioeconomic programs established by the TTAC for the
repair of the crisis triggered in the Doce River basin, my analysis focuses on the Tailings
Management Plan (Plano de Manejo de Rejeitos – PMR) implemented in Barra Longa — a policy
managed by the Renova Foundation that relocated tailings deposited in the central area of the city
to regions that had not initially been affected by the mud. This was the case of the Quilombola
Riverside Community of Volta da Capela, located near the confluence of two rivers — the
landscape heritage that gave the city its name. With the implementation of the PMR, Volta da
Capela saw its landscape transformed into a massive construction site, as the community’s main
public leisure areas were designated as Excess Material Disposal Areas (Áreas de Disposição de
Material Excedente – ADMEs). The displacements I followed did not emerge from catastrophic
images with instant sensational visibility, but rather from a slow violence — incremental and
cumulative (Nixon, 2007) — diluted across space, time, documents, and decision-making
processes. On the other hand, it was possible to identify the agency of the riverside quilombo of
Volta da Capela in reweaving meanings for the waters and for the life that had been
contaminated.

This dissertation investigates the experiences of psychologists who work in remote
care, analyzing the impacts of this modality on their caregiving practices,
subjectivities, and time management. The research, based on ten interviews, reveals
how the transition from in-person to virtual care has brought about reconfigurations in
the relationships between productive and reproductive work, especially in the post-
pandemic context. Psychologists face significant challenges related to gender
inequalities, which intensified during the pandemic, leading to an overload of
responsibilities and the need to balance work and family care. The results indicate that,
while remote care offers flexibility, it also results in an expectation of constant
availability, compromising the mental health of these professionals. The analysis
shows that the feminization of psychology and the working conditions of these women
are interconnected with broader social dynamics of gender. The dissertation suggests
an urgent need for structural transformations in work and care relationships,
highlighting the importance of policies that value caregiving work and promote equitable distribution of responsibilities. It concludes that remote care represents a significant reconfiguration of professional practice, requiring critical reflection on its implications for the mental health and well-being of psychologists.

This master’s research proposes an analysis of the networks of relationships and
connections that enabled the emergence of Marielle Franco as a public and remarkable figure in
Rio de Janeiro’s political landscape. Based on the premise that no one builds themselves alone, I
investigate how these networks — composed of affections, alliances, collective practices, and
symbolic and material exchanges — operated as mechanisms of support throughout her
trajectory to the City Council of Rio de Janeiro. The central problem guiding this investigation

concerns the invisibilization of the relationships that make certain bodies and political paths
possible, particularly in the case of Black, favela-born, and lesbian women in institutional spaces
of power. To reconstruct and resignify Marielle Franco’s trajectory, I adopt a qualitative and
intersectional methodology, based on in-depth interviews with women close to the
councilwoman and with residents of Maré, the territory that shaped her political existence.
Careful listening to these narratives allows for the reconstitution of the collective threads that
supported her path, as well as the identification of practices, strategies, and affections that
continue to resonate after her assassination. I conclude that the phenomenon of Marielle cannot
be understood apart from the networks that shaped her: networks of care, activism, political
loyalty, and territorial belonging. By bringing these networks to light, this research not only
reinscribes her trajectory within a collective horizon but also contributes to the strengthening of
insurgent political practices that challenge the individualizing logic of traditional political
representation.

The significant increase in situations involving crimes of the nature of feminicide should provide
clues as to the paths that should be taken to reorganize the route, in order to reformulate prevention
strategies. Based on this autoethnography, we will understand that factors associated with the
functioning of the Support Network for women in situations of violence are restricted to the
occurrence of crimes, that is: if a crime occurs, there is action; the more crimes, the greater the
action, when it should be the opposite; mitigation of violence should be considered with other
strategies, but there is no idea of reducing the care provided to these women victims. Domestic and
family violence crimes have become a constant and since the pandemic contexts, they have taken
on an acute increase that has sometimes culminated in feminicide crimes, since without due
attention from the judiciary for these women, they are not preventable. In view of this, I set out to
analyze the elements that I experience on a daily basis and that constitute the monitoring of cases
of the Policy to Combat Violence against Women, some judgments to which I had access,
judgments with a gender perspective, guarantees of rights and the justice system, based on markers
of race, gender and class, strolling through the beautiful fields of Anthropology and Human Rights
Education. To do this, methodologically, I will resort to the analysis of the set of sentences to which
I was able to have access, reports of discouraged women victims of violence, who do not see the
judiciary or any government agency as something that can help them, corresponding literature and
autoethnographic reports. According to research by Agência Brasil and Geledés (2018), the greatest
victims of violence are women, mostly black women, from the working class, service providers,
with low levels of education, married or in a stable union. The aggressions were committed by
intimate partners or ex-partners. To this end, three types of crime motivations were listed: 1)
nonconformity; 2) jealousy/possession; and 3) opposition. There was little or no inter-institutional
interaction, and these were places with a poorly structured service network. As a methodological
strategy, I used my own experiences and experiences on the subject, as well as testimonies from
some women whom I treat independently, with sensitive listening, seeking to refer them, if they
wish, to the appropriate institutions and agencies. I would also like to point out that the reports I
present are from seven women interviewed in a single month. One of these women, a black woman,
a lawyer with few resources, whose case is more complex and, after I was admitted, managed to
obtain intervention from the Supreme Federal Court so that the aggressor, a white man with a large
financial resource, could be tried, convicted and imprisoned in a short period of time. Regarding
the sources of data and sentences, they are in the public domain and were made available by lawyers
who handle the case. In this context, I found multiple challenges in two main categories associated

with the Policy to Combat Violence against Women: a) The difficulty in monitoring former inmates
and b) The denial of the need to reduce the phenomenon. The first is associated with the institutions
that make up the women's service network and the second is related to domestic and family
violence. Through this study, I was able to see the scale of the challenge presented in the narratives
of discouraged women or in the institutional policy formats adopted, which need to be greatly
improved, both in the field of Public Security, so that these women feel safe; in the field of Justice,
so that they receive fair trials from a gender perspective; and in the field of Human Rights
Education, so that we have committed and equal professionals, trained at the grassroots level.

This work analyzes contemporary Brazil from the perspective of maroon policies after the 1988 Federal Constitution
(CF/88), based on documentary material supplemented by empirical observations from the uses, meanings and
consequently disputes surrounding the term "maroon". For this, take as an example some communities in the state of
Rio de Janeiro. It proposes to understand Brazil under an existing intersection between maroon and necropolitics in an
analysis properly understood as antidualist. The maroon is a social model, way of life, although with different
configurations and own historical traits, which has a certain situational duplicity. They are, compared to the systems in
which their struggles and disputes are based, producers of rights of their forms of life and existence and producers of
commodities (of various types and meanings). This duplicity places them as a point of interlocution between the
instrumentalization of dehumanization carried out by the contradictions of brazilian capitalism and the elimination as a
social segment.

The purpose of this dissertation is to demonstrate how principles of opposing ideal
typical values of coordination of social relations - the archaic and the modern -
operate, despite their ambivalent nature, as a constantly interacting unit in Brazilian
football politics. By using the heuristic resources of political sociology, the
research adopts a macrosocial and historically oriented perspective of the non-
disruptive social change process in Brazilian society, in order to analyze empirical
material from events corresponding to the development of the institutionalization of
the political structure of football in Brazil, its operational dynamics, and the actions
of the actors involved in it. The research hypothesis is that the sequence of
historical development of the Brazilian national state characterized by a
conservative modernization of its structures impacted the organizational format of
football, which is marked by the existence of political mechanisms that result in
personalized relations within a seemingly bureaucratic and, consequently,
impersonal structure. The result of the interaction between archaic and modern is
the control of structural changes over the years by the leaders of the Brazilian
Football Confederation in alliance with the state federations as key political actors,
forming a system characterized by patrimonialist and clientelist characteristics
within a "closed circuit," considering that their status ethos is explained by the
prevalence, from a long-term perspective, of privatistic aspects contained in
Brazilian political culture.

Based on a theoretical and bibliographical survey of the literature on the historical Jesus,
specifically elaborated in the third stage of the research, this dissertation is structured to
analytically construct, from an attempt to explore the textual discourses of each author, their
transparent actions through their textual discourses, whether implicitly or explicitly, the
production of meanings and significations, the most varied of those are attributed to the historical
Jesus. It is discussed that textual discourse is a type of action that manifests the conscious nature
of human beings, mobilized by subjectivity, which is understood as a constructive tool for their
multiple actions, and produced concerning their exteriority through discourses in the social
sphere. My research focuses on the work of two authors I believe are points of reference for the
unfinished investigation of the historical Jesus: John Dominic Crossan and John Piper Meier, to
explore the discourse-methodology of the historical Jesus as a first-century Jew. I also count on a
group of 10 authors, both Brazilians and foreigners. I aim to extract certain excerpts from their
works that will help me analyze the production of meanings and significations attributed to the
historical Jesus. Given this, I have three points of theoretical support to test my hypothesis. The
first is about discourse according to Michel Foucault (2013; 2014); the second is about
subjectivity in the works of Michel Foucault (2016) and Félix Guattari (1992); the third, I discuss
to be the point that unifies the other two previous ones, considering the matter of production of
textual discourse about the other, starting from the notion of subjectivity, as reported by Marc
Augé (1999). This work takes shape based on the Textual Discourse Analysis (TDA) technique.
The hypothesis parts from the individual's relationship with determined discursive formations in
the social sphere, which mold and (re)mold them and, as a result, converge on the subject's
textual discourse, where their actions are analyzed. In other ways, the individual is always in a
stage of "incompleteness" and "dependent" on this subjective process of society, which
constitutes their subjectivity, but also shapes them as a singular. However, it is believed that the
representation of the historical Jesus is the result of a subjectivity that individuates him. In light
of this, our hypothesis also discusses that the historical Jesus falls victim to a "biographical
illusion".

The present research aims to understand how Hip Hop culture, mainly seen from the Rap element
perspective, develops understandings and expectations of young people from Baixada
Fluminense, in relation to political formation and social participation, both individually and
collectively. This is a case study at Instituto Enraizados, a collective with a long history of
involvement in Hip Hop culture in the Morro Agudo neighborhood, Nova Iguaçu, Rio de Janeiro.
From the point of view of theoretical-methodological foundations, the dissertation dialogues with
fields of study in the Social Sciences, with an emphasis on the Sociology of Art and Culture,
taking mainly into consideration the issue of interpretation and understanding of social
phenomena, the totality and of the contradictions present in the case studied. In this research, the
historical process of institutionalization of Enraizados and its relationship with political activity,
based on the daily lives of peripheral subjects, were investigated. The methodology focuses on
field research lasting one year at Instituto Enraizados, combined with interviews with
independent artists and cultural producers who are members of the organization. Still from a
sociological perspective, the interviews carried out help to illuminate the impact of Hip Hop
culture on social processes, on the identification and subjectivity of the subjects involved,
providing instruments, so that readers can reflect on the changes that have occurred in the
contemporary Rap scene. .

This work explores the social, economic and political dimensions of urban occupations in Volta
Redonda, a municipality in the State of Rio de Janeiro known for its historical ties to the steel
industry. It starts from the investigation of the industrialization process of the geographic space,
a movement that will culminate in the organization and emancipation of the city and analyzes
its trajectory as a reference for an industrial municipality, from the founding of the plant to its
privatization and the economic, political and social consequences that privatization brought to
the region. In the transversality of this historical bias, this study addresses how occupations, in
particular the so-called Reflexo do Ajante, emerge as physical and symbolic manifestations of
the housing crisis that affects large portions of the urban population. Through a methodology
that combines participant observation, semi-structured interviews and analysis of official
documents, we seek to understand the survival strategies, social organization and fight for
housing rights adopted by the community's residents.
The study also highlights the importance of social movements and solidarity among occupants
in resisting eviction attempts and in negotiating with public authorities for the recognition of
their rights.
An analysis is also made of the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, which brought existing
vulnerabilities to light, but also mobilized mutual support networks and highlighted the urgency
of more inclusive and effective public policies in the field of housing. The path to conclusion
seeks to signal the need for a more humanized view and housing policies that recognize urban
occupations not as a problem, but as legitimate expressions of the search for dignity and
citizenship in the Brazilian urban context.

In this work, the relevance of surrealism is investigated through an ecology of materials ranging
from works of art to sketches and feminist theories. Themes such as subjectivity, female
representation and the intersection between technology and identity expand the debate to
encompass the extent of Artificial Intelligence in the Anthropocene, highlighting the imperative

of an ethical approach with a cyborg perspective. The dynamics of social networks, in which
users play hybrid roles of producers and consumers, contributes to a culture of incessant
spectacularization. Therefore, emphasis is placed on the aestheticization of everyday life,
exploring cyber-flânerie and the participation, both conscious and unconscious, of individuals in
algorithmic personalizations. Instagrammable aesthetics are contrasted with surrealism and
together they marry the grotesque with grace, challenging emotional norms and highlighting the
importance of Instagram in stylization and the formation of aesthetic identities. The contribution
of this study lies in the analysis of surrealism as an artistic and political movement, in addition to
exploring the possible continuities of this movement in the visual culture of Instagram. The
empirical instances include case studies of artists, hashtag analysis and reflections on aesthetics,
combined with methodological choices that favor autoethnography
and a non-linear approach in organizing the chapters, aiming to expand the understanding of
surrealism and its ramifications.

The aim of this research was to understand the processes of building youth sociability in a
public school in the municipality of Seropédica, based on the situations of individual and
collective emotional suffering observed during the research, with special attention to the reports
on emotions, experiences and situations triggered by young people justifying and communicating
about their "sick emotions". This objective was built on the social worker's account of a case of a
collective outbreak of anxiety among some female students on the teacher training course. The
event began with the spread of a rumor of a supposed massacre at the school.
We realize that the situations experienced are the same as those that have always been
present in youth sociability in schools: intolerance for different reasons and systematic
intimidation between classmates that can turn into physical, moral and psychological violence.
However, the occurrence of collective anxiety has required schools to develop strategies for
managing conflicts and collective emotions, and it is up to the school to build ways of managing
the disagreements and differences that arise in school sociability. The theme of emotions
presented in this dissertation was theoretically based on Ferreira's (2022) concept of "sick
emotions" and in the light of the sociology and anthropology of emotions. Based on these
theoretical references, we observed that the construction of feelings/emotions, beyond their
essentialist nature (VÍCTORA and COELHO, 2019), are socially constructed, cultural, historical
and situational processes through which our emotions pass. We highlight the need to guarantee
emotional care for students who are experiencing their youth in the new social contexts of the

present historical moment, in which it is urgent that schools act beyond the reproduction of
academic content. They need to be recognized as a space for life, socialization, psychological
training, welcoming and psychosocial care, with a diversity of professionals capable of listening,
welcoming and treating the dimensions of psychological and social suffering.

School sociology is a topic of significant impact within Brazilian education, and its permanence in the Brazilian basic education system has been a subject of much debate, especially in professional and union spaces of sociology. This work aims to present some positions of Brazilian thinkers who participated in the discussion of the theme between the 1950s and 1980s, seeking to understand the different meanings of school sociology offered by these thinkers. These meanings were investigated through the analysis of the works of historically relevant thinkers on this topic, along with contemporary scholars dedicated to the teaching of sociology. The methodology used was bibliographical research, focused on the elaborations and reflections of these thinkers. The meanings of school sociology were analyzed in the context of the theoretical debate in the field of ideas and intellectuals, using the paradigmatic conceptualizations of some classic authors on this topic. Thus, it was possible to arrive at observations about the relationship between the meanings of school sociology created by these thinkers and their affiliations with certain currents of Brazilian social-political thought. In conclusion, the meanings formulated by these thinkers were verified, understanding that they are not only strongly related to their ideals of modernization and citizenship but also suggest specific roles for these meanings, such as developing sociology as a science, emancipating the individual, and encouraging political participation in society with a critical bias.

Police lethality in the city of Rio de Janeiro is a cause concern for the population of Rio de
Janeiro, especially for the fraction of society that is distributed in the favelas of Rio de
Janeiro. The numbers that represent the state`s violence towards its population have reached
levels that cannot be compared with the reality in developed countries. Another element of
extreme concern is the way in which the deaths committed by police officers are distributed,
showing a classist and racista policy promoted by the state. At the same time as extremely
high number of “Deaths by State Agent Intervention”, the city of Rio de Janeiro is suffering
from crime rates that are at na all-time high. Althoug the population is constantly faced with
the reality of public security that is unable to guarantee all citizens`rights, some moments in
the city`s history point the way to a decente, eficiente and beneficial public security model.
The period of validity of Fundamental Precept Argument (ADPF 635), popularly known as
the ADPF of the Favelas, was one of the moments that served as na example to demonstrate
the state`s ability to reduce police lethality accompanied by a drop in other crime rates.

RIBEIRO, Nathalie da Cunha Braga. About displacements and stays: a study on Congolese refugees living in Duque De Caxias. 2023. xx p. Dissertation (Master’s in Social Sciences). Institute of Philosophy and Human Sciences, Federal Rural University of Rio de Janeiro, Seropédica, RJ. 2023. This work aims to analyze the female refuge thinking about Congolese women who live in Duque de Caxias, Baixada Fluminense and understand what the insertion and experience of these Congolese women are like within a social and cultural context in the city. How to remake yourself in another country, which paths to take, what are the transformations and how do they metamorphose, so that, somehow, they survive the many “fractures” during this process. The methodology of this work will be through bibliographical research, participant observation and interviews with these women. Considering that migration and refuge is still a very male movement, the data show that there is a significant movement of women within the migration processes. And they are the ones who experience the greatest difficulties, due to the oppression they carry and the various obstacles they face during these movements. Therefore, this research aims to investigate and understand what it is like to be a refugee woman in the Baixada Fluminense, taking into account their specificities and vulnerabilities.

The present study has as its research object the analysis of opinion formation and the vectors of
voting decisions in the 2022 presidential elections in the city of São João de Meriti that belongs
to metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro. We conducted a qualitative investigation, in the “panel
research” format, throughout the electoral process; monitoring a set of 21 voters, through the
application of 5 rounds of interviews, using the demographic categories of race, gender, religion
and labor insertion, alongside the division of interviewees into three distinct groups: Lula voters,
Bolsonaro supporters and undecided electors. The analysis of the data collected brought the
following results: throughout the electoral process, we identified the coexistence of two distinct
belief systems underlying the voting decision: a first of a pragmatic nature and a second of an
ideological orientation. The voting decision of Lula's voters was guided, in accordance with the
rational choice theoretical matrix, by a cost/benefit equation and by the assessment of
government performance. The decision to vote for Bolsonaro, in turn, was guided by the
ideological positioning and the association of the image of the then candidate/President
Bolsonaro with personal and group values. We highlight in the investigation how belief systems
were essential in the 2022 electoral process, offering important insights into the formulations and
choice of votes, and are therefore fundamental to understanding how voters interpret and respond
to current political challenges.

This dissertation analyzes the changes observed in food introduction practices across two generations,
exploring the intersections between culture, food, and social transformations. The methodology involved
conducting interviews with mothers and grandmothers, offering a comprehensive understanding of food
practices over time. The research is grounded in a bibliographic review that explores sociocultural
theories, studies on food, and analyses of social transformations. The methodological approach included
data collection through interviews where mothers and grandmothers shared their experiences and
perceptions related to food introduction. Triangulating this data with the bibliographic review contributed
to a holistic and contextualized understanding of the phenomenon. The study focused on two distinct
groups: mothers and grandmothers from the middle class of Rio de Janeiro's South Zone, who presented
diverse perspectives on food introduction. Mothers are generally strongly influenced by contemporary
medical guidelines, such as the recommendations of the Brazilian Society of Pediatrics and the World
Health Organization. They also engage with new approaches, including digital media, social networks,
and online support groups, which facilitate access to information and the exchange of parenting
experiences. These mothers tend to prioritize healthy eating without added sugar in the early years,
adapting food introduction methods to their daily possibilities. The debate around sweetened and
processed foods reflects not only generational preferences but also broader social and cultural changes.
The consumption of sweetened foods, associated with grandmothers, symbolizes traditional practices and
affection. In contrast, processed foods, part of the mothers' routines, represent adaptation to a fast-paced

lifestyle and the pursuit of convenience. This difference creates intergenerational tension: mothers, guided
by current pediatric recommendations, avoid sugar and processed foods, while grandmothers, rooted in
long-standing family practices, view these restrictions as excessive. Each generation, therefore, holds
unique interpretations of child feeding, turning food introduction into a negotiation space between
tradition and modernity, where dialogue and respect for family memories are essential. The research
findings indicate a significant shift in how mothers seek information and manage the process of food
introduction. This phenomenon reflects not only individual transformations but also broader social
dynamics influencing food practices. The analysis of these results contributes to a more comprehensive
understanding of the interactions between culture, food, and contemporary social transformations,
particularly in the context of infant food introduction.

This research followed the movements of people organizing in the city of Itaguaí, Baixada
Fluminense, in Rio de Janeiro. The objective was to observe the construction of cultural policies.
The focus is on understanding the practices of these organizations, especially when addressing the
issue of "absence" and "presence" in the local context. For some time, a common narrative in the
city was that "there is no culture or art in Itaguaí," which indicated a perception of the absence of
cultural production or investment from the local government. However, the research also revealed
the existence of cultural initiatives carried out by local agents who often operate without direct
support from the municipal administration.
The main question raised is: how is the presence or absence of something consolidated? Is it the
presence of public cultural policies or the action of local agents, who act as representatives of the
state or independently? Through this question, the study sought to understand the implications of
the duality between absence and presence. The research was conducted through the observation of
two events: the first, organized by local cultural agents, the First Popular Culture Conference, and
the second, the 22nd Expo Itaguaí, promoted by the municipality itself. The common point between
the events is the mobilization of public policies, which in the first case occurs through disputes
among cultural agents, and in the second, how these public "culture" policies reach these agents.
The methodology used includes the analysis of a social situation, in this case, the 22nd Expo
Itaguaí, and participant observation, with the aim of understanding the processes involved in the
organization of these events and the relationships between the different agents.

The aim of this research is to analyze the effect of ideology on protest in
Latin American countries. In particular, we explore a weak point in the discussions on our topic, which is the obscuring of the variable "ideology" in studies on protests. The analytical issue that underpins our discussion stems from our reservations about the use of the left-right spatial metaphor as a conditioner of protest. To this end, we used data from the World Values Survey (WVS), which has representative surveys for 17 Latin American countries. In addition, we used data from the World Bank's Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) and Identifying Ideologues: A Global Dataset on Chief Executives, 1945-2020, in order to gather information on the political and economic context of these countries. Our results show that protest activists use ideological stances to motivate their engagement, that left-wing and right-wing protests have different engagement profiles and that the ideological orientation of the government in power, when it is hostile, contributes to an increase in the intensity of ideological protest.

The Clube de Regatas do Flamengo (CRF) is a historic institution of Brazilian culture.
From the hegemony of titles in the regional football championship to the consecrated conquest of
world championship (1981), the red-black team collects symbolic goods in its championship and
imposing trophies from its headquarters in Gávea. However, for many, their main asset is their
fans. Spread across the territory and even outside the country, it composes a mosaic of vast
national, economic and political social peoples. This work seeks to observe the performance of
red-black fans in their different types of supporters. Subjects who are part of organized
collectives, fans who are not part of organized supporters and fan movements - whom we call
"single" - are the main characters of our interaction. Our background is the participation, or its
exclusion, in the once greater, the Maracanã stadium, as well as the right to the city and its
spaces. Between the locus populis, until the 2000s, and its destruction-reconstruction for the
sports mega events (FIFA World Cup and Olympic Games), counting on a pandemic in the
present time, the once Colosso do Derby, today New Maracanã, is still a space of con-processes
of the cheering - altered by the socio-economic make historic time. We will divide, as of manual,
the work in parts. An incipient research process was carried out in pandemic times. To this end,
we made use of informational tools for contacting fans, since our field of work was suspended
due to the health issue. In a second moment, with the return of face-to-face activities and the
supporters to the stadiums, we made use of fieldwork in which “being there” was one of our
means of perceiving the issues of cheering.

This thesis aims to understand the disputes over the term “literature” that arose in
the second half of the 20th century and how this relates to the recognition of
Carolina Maria de Jesus as a literature writer. I argue that from the 1980s onwards,
Carolina's life and writings were gradually brought into light in order to define her
as a writer of literary works, especially in academic milieu. This process relates to
debates that have crossed literary circles in general, especially the criticisms in
literature of the notions of “canon” and “tradition”. Those debates have played an
important role in affirming literatures that do not follow the ideas of “art for art's
sake” or the “autonomy” of the literary. I worked with notions such as “art worlds”
(Becker, 2010), “artistic field” (Bourdieu, 1996), “game” (Caillois, 1990) and
“lines” (Ingold, 2022). This was part of an attempt to understand what literature
and the canon mean in the practice of writers, critics and academics, and how the
notion of literature as a self-referential text has come to be confronted by another
notion, which defines it by confronting concrete political issues. I concluded that
Carolina has come to be read as an author of literature in works that adopt this
second notion, to the detriment of the first. This is expressed in the increasing
volume of academic works about her, especially since the 1990s, with notable
strength in the 2010s, and in the approaches that these works present about
Carolina and her work.

More than 200,000 families have been directly or indirectly affected by land subsidence caused
by the extraction of rock salt by Braskem in Maceió, thus constituting the largest ongoing urban
socio-environmental corporate crime in the world. Through an ethnography that traces the escape
routes and the ruins of neighborhoods affected by mining, this research seeks, simultaneously, to
reconstruct the multiple crimes committed by the company since its establishment during the
military regime and to document strategies of perseverance amid the ruins. Drawing from an
anthropology of collages, the results presented here are contextualized by extreme weather events
and intertwined with Alagoan political and familial narratives, as well as broader societal issues.
Through an insertion mediated by an evangelical church, this study experiments with and
combines different methodologies, exploring the hope that emerges through faith and artistic-
political resistance in a ruined territory.

The “non-material” work carried out by teachers, which produces ideas, concepts, symbols,
habits, attitudes and skills, is precarious in the world of work. Some devices contribute to this
process and we set out to analyze the bonus policy as a mechanism that adds value to teachers'
salaries, but its rationale is incapable of changing a structural order related to the tripod of valuing
teachers, which we listed as career, salary and working conditions. Furthermore, the treatment of
this issue, which we consider to be innovative and challenging, may help to answer the need to
detect the social effects of the bonus mechanism on teachers' work. With the intention of
examining multiple approaches to data in this study, we used “multi-method matrices” based on
the idea that the research is provisional. Just as there is no established measure for understanding
the homogeneity, diversity and intensity of the information needed for proper research, there is no
defined saturation point, but rather a provisional result of this “generation of material” that will
contribute to the construction of meanings. Teaching work is increasingly determined by the
capitalist system, which exerts power over lives through a face, and education through the
process of commodification, which materializes in mechanisms such as salary bonuses. The
research revealed that for the teaching career, this bonus mechanism appears as a kind of
disciplinary control of the bodies of education workers, regulating absences, absences and
performance in the School Units. As well as not being incorporated into teachers' salaries,
bonuses can tend to replace the Career and Salary Plan. At stake is the teaching workforce versus
its value measured in the form of bonuses. The mercantilist logic prices the work produced by
teachers at a much lower price than if the Career and Salary Plan were implemented.

Sex work tends to present itself as a subject of diverse interpretations that include positive and
negative perspectives to its doing. This can include the dichotomy of the social victim prostitute x
sexually empowered prostitute. Different perspectives from feminist studies and feminist movements
offer, consequently, different conceptions about the object that, added to the voices of the prostitutes
themselves as social agents, give rise to a wide field of discussion. In addition, with the
popularization of the internet and social networks with the advent of platform capitalism and the
coronavirus pandemic, multiple informal professionals had to acquire new means of collecting
income, including sex workers. In this context, which is of great complexity, this work is interested in

presenting discussions in the feminist field through a certain bibliographic survey and the analysis of
some feminist websites, putting their respective interpretations in dialogue with the experiences of
sex professionals compiled through qualitative interviews. In this way, the study proposes to analyze
the challenges caused by changes in the labor market of prostitution, within the scope of studies of
feminist movements, as well as of the universe of sex work itself.

This dissertation analyzes the disputes surrounding the potential routes of a city. It takes a closer
look at the conflicts surrounding the site of a disused textile factory called Sudamtex, which
caused a series of socio-environmental impacts in the urban center of the city of Teresópolis, Rio
de Janeiro. To this end, the context of these disputes is presented, reflecting on the narratives and
projects of urban development in cities. Based on this object, the research reflects on the
strategies of commercialization of medium-sized cities, by analyzing the urban projects of capital, hegemonically supported by the public authorities. It also looks at potential contesting projects, which reflect cities based on their collective uses and their use value rather than their exchange value. To guide this discussion, we present the emancipation of the city of Teresópolis from the point of view of the intertwining of private and public power resulting from this process and, in addition, the most recent developments, which culminated in the election of Mayor Vinicius Claussen (Cidadania/PSC) for two terms, continuing a process that his great-great-uncle started at the dawn of the Republic. The work is based on recent theoretical and empirical research on the subject and is anchored in the analytical field of urban planning, Brazilian social and political thought and historical-political sociology. Through this contrast, the aim is to understand the city as a living, poignant public debate, permeated by a cultural, social, political and symbolic character.

This dissertation is a result of an anthropological analysis of the manhood representations in the romance Grande Sertão: veredas, written by João Guimarães Rosa (1908 – 1967). The story takes place on Sertão of Minas Gerais, in the first half of the 20th century, where men and women who fight for land live. These conflicts  involve local and external powers. This plot  takes place amidst dilemmas which involve the possibility of human soul and devil 's existence, and it also praises a gay love between Riobaldo and Diadorim. But this love seems to be made impossible by “Sertão”, as it requires that men act on a more scathing and relational form with rules and values shared on society. The notions of hegemonic and subordinate masculinity studied by Raewyn Connell (1995) were used to help this analysis. She proposes three dimensions to analyze gender: the relation between social life production and reproduction, cathexis and power relations. It was also used the Judith Butler (1990) gender analysis perspective (1990). The researcher uses evidence to evaluate masculinity as a social phenomenon forged by men, opressing themselves and mainly women, while characterizing gender as speech. It was possible to notice that Rosa’s masculinity representations are more complex than the ones available at his lifetime, showing men, specially Diadorim, transiting gender and also transiting between gender and sexuality.

This research aims to contribute to the discussion about religious conservatism in their Catholic lives,
pointing out the motivations and practices that arouse in young Catholics the activation of conservative
behaviors and practices in opposition to progressive ideas within the scope of the Roman Catholic
Apostolic Church, having as its objective study the Dom Bosco Center, its philosophies, its positions and
its leaders. Based on the analysis of bibliographical reference material on the topic, we opted for
qualitative methods. These involved analyzing the social networks of the Dom Bosco Center and its
leaders. In addition, we also used participant observation, which involves semi-structured interviews
carried out with leaders. After the analyses, we verified that the type of conservatism expressed by these
young Catholics is based on the opposition of progressive trends in an environment seen by them as a
space for maintaining traditional aspects. We identify the use of modern methods in defense of
conservative and Christian values. It is possible to observe that despite being based on previous
conservative experiences, these young people bring new things to this field that remains in dispute. We
believe that the research fulfills the role of bringing to light the need to expand studies on Catholic
groups with conservative lives and progressive actions that encourage opposing positions, with the
group developed being a reflection of these practices in the Brazilian Catholic context.

This Thesis analyzes the production of ideas in the Brazilian and Bolivian left over three periods:
redemocratization, neoliberalism and the governments of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) in
Brazil (2003-2016) and Movimento ao Socialismo (MAS) in Bolivia (2006-2019), understanding
that these periods are common to most countries in South America. In this sense, the research
reflects on the performance of these left through the society projects elaborated and,
methodologically, searches for them through the examination of works of the main influential
intellectuals in these parties and in the social movements, as well as the historical context in which
they were written. The Thesis allows us to understand how these lefts built, in Latin America,
unique visions about democracy, national question, development, colonialism, capitalism and
socialism.

This research aims to describe and reflect on the dimensions of a margin (limem)
introduced by Van Gennep (1909), later elaborated by Turner (1982) as a creative-active place
capable of proposing a positive human relationship, through artistic practice (performance), with
excluded diversity, creating original spaces for exercising and experimenting with a (new?)
active citizenship, differentiating itself from the closing practices of asylum policy.
The object of this anthropological reflection is how the artistic practice carried out in a "device"
of the public mental health network in Belo Horizonte (Minas Gerais, Brazil), the Coexistence
Centre (CdC), gives rise to new forms of inclusive citizenship, opposed to the asylum logic of
exclusion, creating a charisma in the city and of the city.

The history of migration is marked by the attraction or repulsion of its
agents, the migrants, by the States. In contexts of epidemics or pandemics, they are even seen as vectors of diseases. Such perceptions end up having a direct impact on the process of integration and school development of this population in the host country. Given this scenario, the main objective of this work is to verify how much the COVID-19 pandemic affected the school routine of migrant and refugee students, enrolled in schools in Rio de Janeiro. To achieve this objective, we verified how social distancing intensified inequalities and prejudices present in the school context and in the relationship of migrant students with their national colleagues. As a methodology, bibliographic and document reviews were carried out, questionnaires were applied, interviews with foreign and national students, parents, teachers and directors, as well as public bodies and institutions that deal directly with migrants and refugees. This made it possible to perceive thedifficulties for integration and for the educational process.

This research seeks to discuss theoretically formulations of the main authors of the debate on
imperialism and the Marxist theory of dependency for the development of a key category in the
debate: the transfer of value. As a category that had not yet been formulated in the context in
which the authors were elaborating its possible basis, the work takes into account aspects of this
debate that emerged in a latent form in the works of the authors addressed, but that in light of the
look at the development of the historical process could serve as a basis for a formulation with a
greater level of theoretical sophistication. Methodologically, the dissertation will make a review
of the literature based on classical authors of the theoretical field of Marxism, who have focused
on the debate about the process of capital accumulation, investigating from its more abstract
aspects, as well as the particularities of its historical realization in determined social-economic
formations. In the development of this wider debate on capital accumulation, imperialism and
dependency, the authors go through a series of debates that involve economic aspects of capitalist
production, as well as issues that are also crossed by political, diplomatic and military aspects.
The debate over the social productivity of labor and competition, linked to imperialist colonial
policy, seems to contribute in a central way to the regulation of a world market that develops
from its own contradictions and amplifies them to new levels as a way to overcome them. Under
the law of value, developed throughout the three books of Marx's Capital and referred to here as
central to this debate, this disproportion between production and appropriation of value seems to
develop to new heights at the historical moment when Rudolf Hilferding, Rosa Luxemburg,
Nikolai Bukharin, Vladimir Lenin and Henryk Grossman converged in the direction of this
debate. At a later historical moment, when the contradictions of the accumulation process
continue to sharpen for the maintenance of its own reproduction process, the formulations of Ruy
Mauro Marini, Vânia Bambirra and Theotônio dos Santos give more concreteness to the debate
by raising fundamental elements that encompass the reproduction schemes of capital, already
much discussed in the Marxist tradition since Book II of Capital, and the historical forms under which Latin American subordinate integration into the world market is presented, the apparent violations of the law of value in this process, and the decapitalization of dependent economies in the sphere of circulation and production under conditions of monopoly capital domination. The identification of the mechanisms that determine the conditions under which the disproportions between production and appropriation of value are accentuated in the centers of global accumulation and in the dependent economies is fundamental to advance the understanding of the object of study. This theoretical refinement, about the transfers of value between capitals from different regions of the world understood in their historicity, can contribute to unveil elements that demonstrate whether there are such fundamental mechanisms in the reproduction of relations of subordination between nations, but also how they condition the relations of production and exchange in contemporary capitalism.

The research is based on the photographic records of Nay Jinknss. The 29-year-old artist from Pará
collects her various productions from the iconic market in the landscape of the city of Belém.
Photography is a cut-out of a part of the landscape in space, based on the preferences of the
photographer. As a preference, it is understood what is chosen to compose, the way of editing, what
to focus on, which colors should appear and which should disappear. Even affirming the
photographer's agency about the creation or representation of this space, this work is intended to
investigate what other factors act on the result of that work.

This research on delivery workers aims to map objective and subjective aspects in the
trajectories of workers in this category. For this, I investigate the stories of Iury, Luiz Gustavo and
Rayna, delivery men who work in Seropédica and started in the activity during the coronavirus
pandemic. I also address the trajectory of Paulo Lima, a delivery man from São Paulo known as
Galo, who gained public notoriety for leading the Anti-Fascist Deliverers movement. The approach
to these trajectories was made by adopting methodological procedures that involve life stories
and biographical narratives, based on interviews carried out in the field, in addition to the analysis
of documents, reports and videos made available by press sites in the case of Paulo Lima, o Galo.

The purpose of this work is to analyze the business cards made by the Portuguese
photographer José Christiano de Freitas Henriques Júnior (1832 – 1902) about popular blacks
and exotic blacks during the period from 1864 to 1867 in the city of Rio de Janeiro. I aim to
understand these photographs as modalities of imaginations about the Other, which materialize
and are experienced as real and not just as mere representations. Thus, I seek to highlight two
moments in these visit cards created by Christiano Júnior: first, photographs of popular blacks
who, for the most part, worked as slaves for gain working in large urban centers. The second
moment, photographic images that are classified as “exotic” and/or ethnographic types sold to
foreigners as visit cards that served as support for racial theories in the second half of the 19th
century.

The present work aims to analyze the resignifications of the marriage of the Pepel in
contemporary Guinea-Bissau with the purpose of verifying the agency of women in the marriage
arrangement. To achieve our goals, the paths followed were the ethnographic research in which
the material analyzed was collected through field research carried out with pepel women from the
kingdom of Biombo, Tôr, Bijimita and Bissau through their rich and inspiring life stories. We
consider that the performance of marriage has changed over the generations, but still maintains a
prestigious place. Among these changes, the present dissertation highlights the “resignified
marriage”. This evidences the agency of women regarding marriage. Even though the norms of
this instituition are favorable to men, women can manage to negotiate marriage in a different way
that requires great sacrifices, resilience and intelligence.

This research project presents the current political scenario in the United States, focusing on the
Democratic Party, its choice for presidential candidate in 2020 elections and the internal division
regarding the political and electoral strategy to be adopted. It identifies elements that require
explanations, such as centrism and post-materialism in a polarized electorate with materialistic
tendencies. To reach these explanations, this research offers a historic overview about
Democratic Party, from 1930 to 2020, divided in two main periods and a transition time between
them. Furthermore, two analyzes of these transformations are developed. The first analysis is
about the changes of the American left political culture: economic bases, schooling, identity
policies, post-materialism and how all these topics could be linked with neoliberalism.
Afterwards, the analysis forwards to the presentation of scientific models in the political theory
area about party systems, theories of voting and party behavior, thereby enabling a centrism and
polarization debate. In closing, this project disposes observations about these contributions in the
2020 presidential election of the United States, looking for to answer the issues about the
Democratic strategy and suggest alternatives.

This paper aims to present some reflections on hospital chaplaincy from the
understanding that the insertion of the category of spirituality, evidently, in a public
space represents a way of bringing two poles closer together – the religious and the
secular, once which manages to meet both requirements: that of the religious, as it
has its representatives as legitimate authorities, and that pertaining to the secular, as
it is present in an environment where the notion of secularity is supposedly
imperative. In addition to this aspect, the research also proposes to discuss how the
Social Sciences perceive dimensions such as pain and suffering, especially in view
of the experience of illness in an environment full of tensions and contradictions as
a hospital is characterized.

The following work has as its main objective to analyze the dimension of conservatism in Brazil
over five decades, through the programs of the four Brazilian conservative parties: União
Democrática Nacional (UDN), Partido da Frente Liberal (PFL), Democratas (DEM) and Partido
Social Liberal (PSL). For this purpose, we further the hypothesis that the definition of
democracy, economy, agrarian policy, foreign relations, state intervention, etc., by those parties,
underwent important changes along with the very meaning of conservatism. This change will be
verified through the analysis of the programs of the four conservative parties studied in this
research. The methodology used to analyze the possible changes in behavior of these parties will
be the bibliographic review of primary and secondary sources.

The present work aims to understand the forms of action of women in the drug market from their

life histories and experiences of insertion in retail trafficking groups. The survey was conducted
through field work done with women traffickers or former traffickers in the Talavera Bruce
Penitentiary and the Santo Expedito Penal Institute in Rio de Janeiro and also through an
interview with an egress from the prison system and former drug trafficker. The research
analyzed how women work in drug trafficking, bringing a discussion about the sexual division of
labor in this market. In addition, he explored how they organize themselves in a highly
masculinized environment, what are the skills necessary for their performance in trafficking, what
are the hierarchies present and how is the day to day dealing. In addition, the objective is to
demonstrate the conditions of confinement of these women inside the prison, as they reported in
the interviews the experiences and dramas as incarcerated women and, thus, describe the prison
degradation to which they are subjected. It is noteworthy that, even with the gender difficulties
imposed on them in the hierarchy of trafficking, women have been disputing the different
hierarchical posts with men; trafficking, as presented in Rio’s favelas, "mess" a little this idea of
work of man versus work of woman since in the function both can be used in various tasks and
gain prominence according to their performances.

This study aims to investigate how activists, professionals and supporters of humanizing delivery
disseminate this movement’s ideals on social media, promoting and forging a new culture of
childbirth. My object is social media, websites and profiles on the Instagram social network of
the following groups connected to the delivery humanization movement: Adoulasrj – Rio de
Janeiro doulas’ association; Coletivo Mãe na Roda; Makota Terapia Ancestral; Grupo Ilê
Materno; Ishtar (peripheral cores); and the page “O renascimento”. The methodology used was
based on the use of bibliographic research; documentary research; and netnographic research,
analyzing social media from groups of supporters of the delivery humanization movement, and
presenting online journalistic articles with coverage of the brazilian obstetric scenario as a
complement. As the main theoretical reference, I use studies on the Anthropology of the Body
and Health, as well as research in the field of collective health on assistance and obstetric
violence. I present an analysis and historical-cultural path in the formation of brazilian obstetric
care, highlighting the context of hospitalization and medicalization of childbirth; the resistance
movements to this medicalization; and the current scenario of brazilian obstetric care, focusing
on the delivery humanization movement and the problem of obstetric violence. Then, an analysis
of the netnographic research data in social media of humanizing delevery’ activists, supporters
and professionals is carried out. I highlight the characteristics of the doulas' craft and their role as
mediators of the humanizing delivery pedagogy; I analyze the speeches collected on the page “O
Renascimento” on the Instagram; and I describe the performance of collectives of doulas that
organize themselves from a peripheral and Afro-centered “doulaing” perspective. As a result, it
was found that the obstetric field is characterized by a scenario of tension and disputes between
the professional categories that form it and the ideals, practices and discourses that they mobilize.
Besides, some women with limited access to instituted knowledge about their bodies, have been
mobilizing themselves in order to reverse this situation of domination, seeking to recover the
leading role in choosing the type of obstetric care they want. These conflicts, as well as the fusion
or separation of speeches for a more “natural” birth and to combat obstetric violence, are guided  by sociocultural elements and power hierarchies, such as racial and social class relations. In addition, it was observed how in the virtual field seeks to build a space for sociability among a public, mostly made up, of women who will be guided from conceptions that are based on the ideals of humanizing delivery. Doulas figure in this context as humanizing delevery pedagogical device, mediating access to health knowledge and practices, and adapting them to the public they want to reach. In this space, the knowledge and practices that form the pedagogy of humanizing delivery are established in a kind of negotiation between tradition and Science, and conceptions of nature and culture.

This research aims to understand the production of public statistics on armed violence coordinated by
Instituto Fogo Cruzado. The work was carried out based on document analysis made with electronic
journals and institution reports, bibliographical research, in addition to an interview with one of the
organization's directors. The research analyzed the production of data on armed violence carried out by
the Institute, bringing a discussion on studies of quantitative processes and the relationship between
knowledge and power present in statistics. Also, explore how Fogo Cruzado collects, organizes and
communicates their data from their informants to it periodic reports. Together, it aim is to demonstrate
the institute's statist strategy, as the institution uses its data to guide the public debate on armed
violence in the regions where it is present and, in this way, describe the engagement in life defense
conducted by organization. Finally, the study points out the data production and dissemination capacity,
the social engagement of citizens who use the APP and the Fogo Cruzado ability to influence the public
debate on armed violence in Rio de Janeiro.

The present research has as its object the carioca agriculture in historical
perspective. The research interest came from following the reactivation process of
the Municipal Rural Development Council. With the fieldwork, questions were
raised regarding the social spaces, organization and trajectory of the many
expressions of this agriculture in the city of Rio de Janeiro. In this research,
therefore, there is an empirical and theoretical effort to outline the route of
agriculture in Rio de Janeiro, based on the study and monitoring of landmarks
around the public arena of debates. Thus, we seek to make a historical overview of
the trajectory of agriculture in the municipality, followed by the presentation of
forms of political organization and social movements in agriculture, institutional
spaces and, finally, to show the field considerations that help us to understand and
characterize the issues raised throughout the empirical and theoretical study.

The present work aims to understand the social practices that involve food, especially
agroecological food. It seeks to show that these aim to encompass innumerable meanings, going
far beyond Food and Nutritional Security (SAN), but encompassing social, political and
recreational relationships, also involving the forms and practices as agroecology is known by
individuals who seek other alternatives for a more natural diet as possible, also highlighting the
strength that women have in the agroecological movement. For this, fieldwork and interviews
were carried out throughout the study. The research was carried out in the city of Rio de Janeiro,

covering spaces of organization, co-organization and points of sale in which actors from
networks that guide Agroecology in Rio de Janeiro participate.

The present research analyzes the rituals and symbolisms developed in the Training
Course of Officers of the Military Police of the State of Rio de Janeiro (PMERJ).
This analysis seeks to show a latent classification system to the official curriculum:
a historic division of students between even and odd classes. Thus, as members of

the so-called odd empire (“império ímpar”) they believe have a high operational
disposition, the members of so-called even sovereignty (“soberania par”), believe
they have greater intellectual capacity. From symbols, signs and specific
performances, which are mixed with the daily military cerimonial, it is intended to
highlight a system that acts by consolidating and reproducing practical provisions.

The independence of Angola (1975) was marked by ideological divisions between the national
liberation movements (FNLA, MPLA and UNITA), exacerbated by regional and international
interests (Cold War), leading to a fratricidal war of almost three decades (1975-2002) . This military
environment posed great challenges to the Angolan political regime, especially in relation to the
coexistence it had with later party opposition (UNITA and other parties), with organized civil
society (NGOs, associations) and, more recently, with opposition "Disorganized", "fragmented" and
"hybrid", which is condensed in Case 15+2uas, especially because of the civil war, but also of the
one-party system (regime of party-state or single-party regime) that accompanied this relationship.
The purpose of this paper is to understand how the political regime dealt with this "disorganized

opposition" in the post-peace period (2002-2017) and its demands for democatrization and de-
partisanization of political power. In order to do so, we study the political manifestations initiated

in Angola in 2011, influenced by the Arab Spring and legitimized, above all, by the right to
manifestation and freedom of expression enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of Angola
of 2010 (thus establishing a relationship between the theory and practice of representative / liberal
democracy with CRA / 2010). The regime's handling of the opposition is characterized by the death
of a myriad of political activists, threats, intimidation and arrests, culminating in the arrest of the
15+2uas in June 2015, prompting the political regime to On the other hand, and as a corollary, a
policy of death (of all opponents of the regime), a policy of enmity (fundamentally against the
former warlike opponent, UNITA). Therefore, the analysis of the behavior of former President José
Eduardo dos Santos as one of the political leaders with the most power and with more time in power
(1979-2017), in Africa and in the world, is fundamental, especially, as the manifestation of possible
authoritarian behavior in its last 15 years in power.

This dissertation aims to investigate the performance of the Universal Church of the
Kingdom of God in countries on the African continent: Angola and Mozambique. The
focus is on the formation of a “new” evangelistic practice, related to the work of the
churches in activities of a social nature. The Universal Church of the Kingdom of God,
an icon of neo-Pentecostalism, is an important institution in the Brazilian religious field
that develops evangelistic works in African countries through social actions and
assistance to marginalized subjects. The work analyzes the construction of religious
discourses, addressing their framings in the daily lives of the countries where they
develop their evangelistic process. In such speeches, they emphasize the construction
of an image of a “benefactor” church, concerned with extra-cult issues and well related
to the State, enjoying recognition by the authorities. News published on the website of
the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God will be analyzed, in the official information
sheet Folha Universal, in addition to blogs and books by Edir Macedo, leader of the
IURD, as well as the image shown in the biographies. The study develops reflections on
the current evangelization process promoted by this church, the way in which “new”
means of insertion in local life are used and on how the churches elaborate their
philanthropic image working in Mozambique and Angola. As a counterpoint, news from
the press of those countries about the Universal Church is analyzed, which promotes a
clash between the official discourse of the church and the discourse almost always
denouncing the media. The conclusion addresses accusations of institutional racism and
tensions over the church's internal dynamics in relation to its branches abroad.

This research was developed in Programa de Pós-Graduação da UFRRJ, its goal is to analyze the social trajectory of Padre Fábio de Melo, a Brazillian catholic priest who acts in a both social media and Catholic Charismatic Renewal environment. The thesis focuses on the religious field in which Padre Fábio is inserted, investigating the context where he was raised (Family) and educated (catholic seminar). One year of posts on his @pefabiodemelo profile on Instagram was analyzed, and the publications were categorized in order to make possible a narrative understanding of his role in social networks, as a Catholic priest and digital influencer.

The dynamics of work are deeply marked by gender relations, as shown by the fruitful debate in
several areas of research. This field gave a new line to the concept of work. In this line, the
present work will analyze a professional category that appears in the description of the 90s and
specifically covers women who are mothers: mompreneur. With the exponential growth of the
Brazilian female population in entrepreneurship and the appearance of several programs to
encourage this category of work, there is also the production of research aimed at
contextualize these processes. Our approach seeks to discuss the narrative production
about mompreneur using as an example a company that provides consultancy in the national
territory and virtual content. Our results indicate a strong presence in the debate about care work,
not only as a motivator for the search for entrepreneurship by women mothers, but as an aspect
that appears as a central defining characteristic of this.

Rio de Janeiro is a port city. Known as Pequena África (Little Africa), its port district has been
changed since 1980 as an iniciative of municipal administrations. The region evidences the
memory and afrobrazilian identity in Rio. These changes are conceive as urban interventions and
put on debate how the memory of the place has been seen and marketed by Rio’s goverments,
through the projects Corredor Cultural, SAGAS, Porto do Rio and the current Porto Maravilha.
The conflicts and discussions between afrobrazilian culture representants, social movements
leaders, religious leaders, and the last mayor mandates, Eduardo Paes (PMDB) and Marcelo
Crivella (PR), have show a mediation attempt amongst those agentes in the public scenary.
Therefore, cultural and artistic projects are integrated and financed by municipal goverment and
presented as debates focus.
As a symbol of Porto Maravilha’s Project, the Museu de Arte do Rio (MAR – Rio’s Museum of
Art) develops a exhibition politics that includes races and political issues as way to answer and
negociates criticism about the own Museum institution. Thereby, through the museum’s
collection and projects with the local population is created a concilliatory image. As result, the
lack of public funding in the recents conflicts with goverment mobilized a protest in MAR’s
favor.

Brazil is currently experiencing one of its greatest political and humanitarian crises since the last century. In this scenario my research about the living conditions of domestic workers is inserted. It isn't difficult to notice that in past months the media have been covered with stories that reported cases involving domestic workers and the relationships with their bosses during the coronavirus pandemic. These cases, most of time, are about black and poor women's history, whom weren't spare of their services during the period of quarantine recommended by governments, especially the provincial ones, based on the recommendations of World Health Organization. Once exposed to the disease, the domestic workers and their family members became fatal victims of the vírus, fostering debates and reflections on these domestic workers ´rights, facing as a background race, gender and class issues. In this research, therefore, I try to reflect on the situation of the domestic workers during the Covid-19 pandemic in the country. In this context, I analyse the life history of two women, the consequences and the developments of their work at home during that period. In addition to life stories, I use document analysis as a methodology, exploring the journalistic content produced about female workers and the Covid19 pandemic by major news sites in Brazil and some social networks.

The main object of this work is Umbanda, in particular the process of demonization
and legitimization of the entity Exu in this religious field. The focus of this research
is on Umbanda Literature. Widely analyzed from its rituals, Umbanda is also a
religion marked by an effort to legitimize through systematization written in books
of its theoretical bases. In this work, I propose an analysis of Umbandista Literature
on Exu, in order to discuss how inside this literature it is possible to follow the
demonization of this entity, as well as its legitimation. Therefore, this dissertation is
dedicated to an analysis of the entity Exu within the field of Umbanda intellectuals,
and their books. In the first chapter I will analyze the First Brazilian Congress of
Spiritism in Umbanda (1941), trying to show the effort of Umbanda intellectuals of
this period to codify Umbanda, systematizing its ritual. The second chapter
proposes the analysis of the transformations of the entity of Exu in Umbanda
through Umbanda literature, and to analyze how the first Umbanda intellectuals
after the First Congress, in an attempt to create a theoretical doctrinal basis for
Umbanda and with regard to Exu, contributed to the demonization of this Entity
with their interpretations of its meaning. The purpose of the third chapter of this
dissertation is to investigate Exu in the Umbanda literature today and to analyze
how the reframing of this entity, which is increasingly moving away from the
diabolic vision coined throughout history, has been taking place, given the fact that
many books are being launched. this theme and they are of crucial importance for
this paradigm shift to occur.

The subject of anthropological research of this dissertation deals with two fundamental aspects of the two “terreiros” of Congo Angola Candomble, which are Inzo Tumbansi of Itapecerica da Serra (SP) and Inzo Tumbansi Mundele Anga ia Nkosi and Nlemba de Maricá ( RJ). The first aspect is the experience in the researched “terreiros”. Here it is the daily life, the experience, the way of life of these cult spaces. It is to show that the experience is the mirror of the “terreiros” of Candomblé Congo Angola, because the latter is a religion that is practiced, lived daily, is a way of life of the peoples of angolan saints with their Nkisi or deities. The second aspect of the analysis is the reafricanization or reinvention of Contemporary Central Africa in the two “terreiros”. This is a re-enactment process that began in the 1980s and 1990s, in which it consists of rescuing, re-creating, and re-establishing practices and ritual objects of present-day Bantu central African beliefs (pre and post African slavery), deemed necessary by the houses of Congo Angola Candomble, to complete the existing framework of the rites in the “terreiros”.

The present work is a result of the research about the Portal Parvati, located in the Aham Prema Community. The place is known for being one the few places in the world where it is possible to be part of the experience of the 21-Day Process - Prana Prasakti - the Parvati Portal is in the city of São Lourenço, Minas Gerais. Prana Prasakti is an experience of physical, energetic, mental and spiritual reprogramming based on suspending the intake of food and water and the

development of prana awareness and feeding. This paper reports the history of Portal Parvati, and about its creation by the family in charge of the mentioned activities. The research uses, as a guiding methodology, na anthropological concerned about senses and sensoriality, this study presentes the 21- Day Process - Prana Prasakti - seeking to analyze this experience using classic debates about the relationship between food and religion and, in a subtle perspective, capture aspects of this process more directly related to the experience of flavor, taste and palate. In order to present central aspects of the experience, this study is dedicated to the sounding experiences experienced in the Portal Parvati, focusing on the prayers, silences, and the native concept of “egrégora feeding”. Finally, the experience of touch, the importance of the skin, the feet (the walking, the floor) and the hands in the development of self-awareness and self- development.

The present dissertation aims to analyze the discursive strategies of orientation of the civil police
through the Papo de Responsa program to young people from different locations and realities of
the state of Rio de Janeiro. The question that guided the research was how the police of the Papo
de Responsa communicate with these different young people, and which thematic, prescriptions
and dispositions are directed to the young people of the schools visited. Thus, this dissertation is
divided into chapters that analyze the elements observed in the field research, accompanying the
program; or obtained through interviews with the civil police of the Papo de Responsa. The
chapters are developed from the methodology of the researched program. In this sense, the
creation of the Papo de Responsa program described with all its developments and the
communication character of the program is emphasized, as well as the analysis of "Poliçópolis",
an apprehended term of the police discourses of the program. In addition, the different ways of
experiencing youth are discussed, promoting a reflection about the police officers' understanding
of these diverse experiences and youth realities. The moral production of the good citizen is also
approached, where, starting from police entrepreneurship, the police of the Papo de Responsa use
moral discursive strategies aimed at producing responsible behaviors, this being the conduct of
the young person who obeys laws, teachers, family, takes care of themselves and has
responsibility for their choices and attitudes. It also analyzes the production of speeches aimed at
obedience through fear, as well as the docilization of bodies and the regulation of youth
experiences. It is worth mentioning that the Papo de Responsa is not a specific program of
communication with youth. The police officers of the program talk to any group that invites
them, even during the methodology in the schools, they talk with representatives of the family of
the adolescents, with teachers, and other employees of the school community. However, due to
the current research, the focus is on the relationship between police and youth

This research was carried out from the biographical method (or life reports), using the snowball sampling
technique. Following a pre-established script, interviews were conducted with ten advertising women,
aged between 30 and 60 years, in various positions, in different stages of professional life, socio-economic
origin, marital status and race/ethnicity. Six of them declared themselves heterosexual and four claimed to
be homosexuals. The interviews were conducted individually between the months of September and
November of 2018, with duration between one and 2 hours each. The main objective was to investigate,
from the work trajectories of each interlocutor, the male chauvinism within the advertising agencies in the
city of Rio de Janeiro. Through the presentation of the reports, I approach the genre as a marker of the
difference within the profession; the inheritance of patriarchy present in the difference of salary between
women and men, even performing similar functions; the male preponderance in leadership positions; the
evidence of racism still present in the labour market of advertising; the routine of bullying and sexual
harassment in the work routine; the double journey that overloads women who are also responsible for
caring for children and the elderly and, still, the lack of sority in this professional universe.

This research is a bibliographical and conceptual analysis. It aims to analyze the concept of Cooperative Translation of Religious Contents inside the Jürgen Habermas's theory of the post-secular society. For development, we will consider the concept of secularization from different authors, starting with Max Weber. After this explanation, we will analyze the Deliberative Democracy developed by Habermas and the ideal possibilities for dialogue between secular society and religion in the democratic public sphere, in the 21st century.

The aim of this dissertation is to research the reception of Pan-Africanism in Brazil, by the intellectuals of
the black social Movement and the Black Press, who came to contribute to social thinking in Brazil. To
investigate the intellectuals of the Brazilian Black Press in São Paulo from the 20s to the 30th, which
allowed to promote a dialogue between Pan-African thought and the Brazilian national reality, which
denies racism in discourse, but in practice the same is presented Structurally rooted in our society. The
movement founded by Pan-Africanism generated a debate between continents and intellectuals from
various areas of professional practice. From cultural spaces to politics. Black intellectuals produced
knowledge from Africa and the periphery to understand and explain the power that the slave and
colonizing process provoked over the subjugated populations. In Brazil, the Pan-Africanist movement was
publicized by black press intellectuals after articulations between U.S. Black press journalists and Brazil.
The black intellectuals who worked in the United States saw in Brazil an alleged racial democracy that
interested them to investigate. But in Brazil, they were taken by receptions laden with racism, which
densely reported racial democracy. In Brazil, the black press had a diffuser role in the fight against racism,
in this sense I sought in the newspaper O Clarim d'Alvorada, and in the person of José Correia Leite, the
reception of Pan-African thought. More precisely in the column O Mundo Negro, where precisely the
texts implied in the dialogue between Pan-Africanism and the Brazilian racial issue, and often consisted
exactly in the translation of the articles by Marcus Garvey. In Brazil, the discourse surrounding the
existence of racial democracy masked the conflict, which never ceased to be a political/social problem and
not an object of sociological interest. At the beginning of the TWENTIETH century, after the first decades
of abolition of slavery, the situation of the Negro was still of misery and of great social exclusion, with
blacks destined for marginality, in subaltered jobs, without access to education and living in conditions
Shanty.

In recent years, in the educational and religious fields, there have been heated
debates on gender issues, especially after the vote on the National Education Plan (PNE) held
in 2014. At the time religious leaders opposed what they called the "gender ideology", arguing
that this sought the destruction of family, morals and good manners. This research aimed
precisely at understanding the impact of this discussion within the Assemblies of God (AD)
churches (since they concentrate the largest number of followers in the evangelical field and
one of the largest female contingents), especially among the youth. The municipality of
Seropédica was the locus of conducting the research because it presented the highest rate of
evangelicals in the Metropolitan Region of Rio de Janeiro, one of the lowest rates in relation to
the number of Catholics and one of the highest in relation to the percentage of evangelicals of
Pentecostal origin. It was intended to understand what factors (religious ethos, leadership,
educational level, family influence, political groups, etc.) influence the position of the young
congregations. To this end, focus groups were held with young people from AD - Ministério
Madureira. This study sought to understand, describe and analyze the positioning of a portion
of the youth assembly in Seropédica in the face of debates on the so-called "gender ideology".

This dissertation has as its main subject theme the occupation of educational institutions in Brazil
during the years 2015 and 2016, in which I investigate the relationship between the forms of
action and the values shared by the students during the occupation process. This research is
located in the field of studies on political culture with emphasis on Ronald Inglehart’s writings on
New Political Culture. From this author, I have resorted to three lines of reasoning that guide all
reflection. The first is the concept of "self-expression values", which according to the author is
the basis for political transformations in the direction of democracy. The second is the importance
of forms of collective actions that, when informed by values of self-expression, press the political
elites for changes in the direction of democracy. The third is the socioeconomic factor that,
according to the author, favors the rise of self-expression values. Therefore, my goal in this
dissertation is to verify whether the values that mobilized the students are self-expression values.
The methodology used is the bibliographical and research survey based on an interview
questionnaire. The formulation of questions and response alternatives were designed with the
objective of verifying whether students ' preferences can be depicted as self-expression values.
The results indicate that, among the interviewees, there is a strong correlation between the values
and the forms of action adopted in the occupation process and that the values identified are
associated with the values of self-expression. Therefore, it is postulated that the phenomenon of
occupations of schools point to a new type of civic participation, critical of traditional models of
mobilization and favorable to more spontaneous models of direct action, with a more
individualized profile and focusing on themes aimed at quality of life.

This dissertation analyzes "The Social Function of Property" in the booklet of Pastoral Land Commission in the 1980’s. The period was chosen because the debates in the Brazilian Constituent Assembly that generated the 1988 Constitution were significantly permeated by the "frame" of social rights. In this way, rural property and rural expropriations were the subject of disputes within the field of social rights and not among other areas of law. We chose to look at this debate from the perspective of a progressive institution of the Catholic Church, the Pastoral Land Commission, seeking to understand the objectives of this religious organization in building a possible class consciousness among peasants and rural workers in the country. For this analysis, the following theoretical approaches were used: law as an instrument of social cohesion, according to Durkheim; the concept of "class consciousness" by E. P. Thompson; and Snow's concept of frames.

The term favela brings itself a range of meanings that historically has been incorporate in social structures and it’s consolidating both in the social imaginary as a pejorative precept and in the daily life of the inhabitants of these spaces as an identity and center of struggle for rights and recognition. The researches that has made until now about the theme, has advanced in the sense of (re) creating narratives that think the favela and its place in the city as a founding and intrinsic part of it, nevertheless to what refers to the research on favelas of the city of Belo Horizonte, are still insipience. Keeping in this way, the present work intends from the experience and trajectory of the women living in Pedreira Prado Lopes, one of the oldest favelas of the city of Belo Horizonte, to understand how discourses that deteriorate the image of this favela influence the way of life of the people that inhabit this space, just as they become the basis of struggles for redefinition and affirmation of identity.

This dissertation debates the New Latin American Constitutionalism, progressive and democratic, and the production of institutional mechanisms that maximize citizen participation. To understand this phenomenon the Bolivian Constitution was studied, based in the hypothesis that it was configured as an inflection within the New Constitutionalism movement of the 2000s. In order to understand contemporaneity, a historical analysis of the political movements of the 20th century was carried out, from the 1952 Revolution, to the cycle of military dictatorships, and finally to redemocratization, which only took place in Bolivia in 1985. This period was troubled from the social, institutional, political and economic point of view, since under the aegis of neoliberal public policies; there were devastating effects in Latin American countries. Popular dissatisfaction in the early 2000s provoked a wave of demonstrations, leading to the so-called "Water and Gas Wars", which were decisive for the electoral outcome favorable to Evo Morales and his party, the Movement for Socialism (MAS). One of the electoral commitments assumed by Morales was the drafting of a new Constitution for Bolivia, which would re-found the country. In order to achieve MAS's refunding plurinational aspirations, a fierce struggle was waged against the opposition, since the Constitution took almost two years to be enacted after its approval. Finally enacted, what stood out most in the new Constitution was its ethnic content, which does not appear in Constitutions of the same movement. For such a statement, the new Constitution of Bolivia was compared with the Constitution of Ecuador, of the same period, both in mechanisms of participation and in its ethnic content.

This work aims to analyze the trajectory of the regulation of the religious use of ayahuasca in Brazil under a sociological prism. Originally used in millennial indigenous rituals, ayahuasca is a psychoactive beverage that had its widespread use and re-signified beyond the Amazonian borders in the first part of the twentieth century. This process resulted in the emergence of syncretic religions centered on the ritual use of drinking, leading to a discussion that lasted more than 20 years until its religious use was regulated. When analyzing this process, it became necessary to discuss the concept of drug and its problematization from the International Conventions and Conferences, which sought to establish regulatory frameworks on different types of narcotic substances. This endeavor is relevant because ayahuasca is a preparation that has the psychoactive DMT (N, N-dimethyltryptamine), a substance banned by the United Nations since the Convention on Psychotropic Substances of 1971, and because this process is contemporary not only to the period of international discussion centered on the Conventions, but also to the moment of adaptation of the Brazilian system to international guidelines. Thus, while the process of regulating ayahuasca in Brazil is analyzed, the elaboration of the Brazilian legislative system on drugs from the 1960s onwards is also analyzed, establishing a correlation with the international measures established in the Conventions of 1961, 1971 and 1988.

The present study aimed to analyze Grindr and Hornet applications aimed at promoting affective-sexual interaction between men. We sought to signal and analyze codes of conduct and digital etiquette, hierarchy-generating mechanisms and peer-to-peer differentiation among users of the applications that reflected the rationale for social markers of difference such as gender, race, class, and HIV/AIDS. This study sought to highlight how codes and ways to port and use applications could reflect values shared by actors outside the online environment. The methodology used to perform such analysis was direct participant observation, when the researcher is part of the study environment, and the application of questionnaires with volunteers willing to assist the research. In this process, 202 user profiles were analyzed, observing what we call self-images and sayings to the world, in a dynamic that can be understood by the associati and self-description in these relationship networks. Associated with the analysis of these profiles, 40 online questionnaires of avatar, profile were applied with questions that dealt with topics related to body, sexuality, health, HIV / AIDS and ways to behave and use the analyzed applications. As preliminary results, we can highlight the production and valuation of performances of masculinity that can regulate the preferences of the users by possible partners. Another determining factor for the success of the interactions is to understand and use the correct codes of digital conduct in the appropriate time and situations. We also conclude that social difference markers function as regulators and 

drivers of involvement within these applications.

The research resulting from this dissertation derives from the deepening
of my research over six years on Chinese immigration in the state of Rio de Janeiro, in
which I seek to map the migratory networks in the metropolitan region of Rio de
Janeiro. The present work, through the Social Sciences, aimed to understand the
migratory networks in the metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro highlighting the
municipality of São Gonçalo. Bibliographical, documentary and ethnographic research
was carried out and the main conclusion was that Chinese immigrants in the
municipality of São Gonçalo are related to several other groups in the Chinese diaspora
and think of their immigration as temporary.

The present research has the objective of dealing with questions related to the
senses about "humanized labor", "biomedical labor" and "obstetric violence". In
order to achieve this goal, a research was developed dedicated to the talk about
the genealogy of terms and practices, aiming to seize consensuses and
associations about the themes in the city of Rio de Janeiro.In order to refine our
research and data, an ethnographic survey was conducted during a public
hearing at the Legislative Assembly of the State of Rio de Janeiro entitled
"Humanized Childbirth and Right of Choice" and at the David Capistrano Filho
Childbirth Center. The methodology adopted was aimed at observing and
analyzing how the different knowledge and practices of the field of medicine and
nursing in relation to "humanized childbirth" are triggered and organized. in
addition,we tried to understand how conflicts and impasses occur in a
"humanized" environment.During the ethnographic process, we also seek to

observe how the different views on understand the "biomedical childbirth" and
"humanized labor" become concrete in public and political spaces.As a final
step of this process, 10 semi-structured interviews were conducted with some of
the users of Casa de Parto and some agents in biomedical areas, aiming to
capture their perceptions about the themes os this research.It was possible to
notice the multiple facets of the term "humanized childbirth" and the disputes
between the actors involved in the management of the female body and its
reproduction.

SANTOS, Patrícia Cristina. Education, public policies and anarchism: nexus and contexts. 2018. xxp. Dissertation (Master in Social Sciences). Institute of Human and Social Sciences, Federal Rural University of Rio de Janeiro, Seropédica, RJ. 2018. The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the experiences of libertarian education in the municipality of Rio de Janeiro during the 20th century, and also discusses whether these 

At the beginning of the twentieth century the city of Rio de Janeiro goes through
various urban transformations that propose to change the space and the people
that were in it. The city reached a contradictory moment, at the same time that it
offered great opportunities of employment, it did not have a place to allocate all
this existing population and that arrived. The favela, which until then was a
space in a slow process of growth, quickly became a living space for these
workers. To the point that not only Morros da Providência and Morro de Santo
Antônio behaved as the number of people who arrived. Therefore, soon other
hills of the city also happened to be occupied. In the midst of these questions,
the journalistic media began the formation of some speeches about these hills
and about who these inhabitants would be. The present work analyzes how
these questions about the formation of an imaginary about what would be the
favelas appeared in the cartoons of the illustrated magazine The Mallet (1902 -
1930).

Corporate Social Responsibility is a recent topic as a field of empirical analysis that arises with the
potential of social transformation. It must be understood from a political-social perspective, discovering
its limitations, its contradictions and designing its potentialities. Understanding how this is done today is
of important in identifying problems and contradictions and consequently improving practice in order to
drive the most effective action of the markets in search of solutions to social problems.
Since the mid-2000s, the Brazilian government has been encouraging this form of corporate action,
granting tax benefits to those that finance social projects of certain ministries. Projects executed by third
sector organizations. The present research raised the existing debate, mapped practices, processes and
contradictions regarding the forms of relationship among society, market and State. To do so, we
analyzed the Investment in Sport carried out by Petrobras S / A in the period between 2011 and 2016,
through bibliographic, documentary and public research, with a quantitative and qualitative approach, in
an exploratory manner in order to identify the performance of the company in the practices related to
Corporate Social Responsibility. The hypothesis raised was that Petrobras had a fundamental importance
for Brazil as a promoter of the sport and in support of the public policies of the State.
It was possible to conclude that actions of Social Responsibility related to the sport were heterogeneous,
mixing the utilitarian, social bias and fomenting public policies, maintaining to some extent alignment
with the federal government guidelines. And the way in which Petrobras' Social Responsibility actions are
structured are unstable, unplanned and dependent on the philosophy of top management of the
company.

The present work had as proposal to analyze the speeches elaborated by black youtubers
of the “Baixada Fluminense”, through aesthetics. I highlight how subjectivities are built within
YouTube, as a form of joint technology, culture and periphery. Black Youtubers are leading their
trajectories through the audiovisual language, and thus they share their experiences with their
peers. From various representations elaborated through the makeup tutorial and capillary
techniques, race, sexuality, religion, self-esteem, behavior in general, among others. By the
alliance of digital technologies,they build new forms of expression, which end up producing new
forms of social interaction, consumer relations that are advanced in their aesthetic performances.
Their places of origin, such as peripheries, help us to understand who women are and their
perspective on the process of racial identification.

The present research seeks to analyze the characters of the mulata and the malandro inserted in
the Theater of Magazine in the city of Rio de Janeiro, in the period of 1937-1945, moment of the
cultural politics realized in the well-known Era Vargas. The Estado Novo period used the myth of
racial democracy to construct national symbols in order to reinforce an image in Brazilian
society. These character-characters carry in themselves characteristics like sensual, extroverted,
infantilized, submissive or pernostic, built as early as the nineteenth century and that remains
until our contemporaneity.

In this work, I intend to present the Rola favela, located in the Santa Cruz district,
West zone of the city Rio de Janeiro. In these territories, surrounded by their
clashes of power, domination and articulation because of the dispute between
traffickers and militiamen in these favelas, is where we can find trajectories of the
lives of different women. For the purposes of this study, I chose to work on the
trajectories of two women living in this favela: Rediane, a woman whose
characteristics are the dynamics of her work, especially her relationships with
residents, traffickers and other women enrolled in these dynamics. Another
trajectory of life chosen is that of Marielma, a woman who works on funk dance
circuits, and has her life and body marked by fear and insecurity. The plots of the
lives of these women show ways of inhabiting urban boundaries, but not in a static
way, but in a fluid way, in the sense that both move in this scenario consisting of
clashes that seem to limit and enable the movement of men and women in
significantly many diferente ways.

The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze, on the one hand, the formation and
organization of private bus companies in the State of Rio de Janeiro. We emphasize the
central role played by the state in directing the transportation system from Rio Janeiro to
the road modality, where bus companies would become hegemonic. On the other hand, we
analyze a second chapter of the history of public transportation in the state: the 16-
company encampment that took place in the 1980s during Leonel Brizola's administration.
We call attention, therefore, to the state protagonism both in the genesis and at the moment
of the companies' statization. We started, therefore, in the analysis between the bus
companies and the State, from a perspective centered on the state, highlighting the state
protagonism in the formulation of public policies.

The present work seeks to relate the militarization of the urban space of Rio de Janeiro, as a violent answer as the labor force excluded from a specific social form with the structural crisis of capitalism, along with your social collapse, political economy. Our initial approach focuses on the structural crisis of capitalism, exploring its main exponents, which helps us formulate the hypothesis of a possible relationship between a structural crisis and the militarization process, such as crises of over accumulation, structural unemployment, growth of the tertiary sector along with the precariousness of labor, the role of globalization, technological advancement and the liberalization of the workforce. The analytical reflection will be on the treatment (violent and militarized) given to the labor force. Such treatment entails mass incarceration, control through generalized surveillance, militarization, and extermination. All this opens the discussion about the nuances brought about by the social collapse of bourgeois society. Militarization itself is a phenomenon that goes beyond public policies. Their manifestations are advanced by urban sociability and, above all, by the armed and violent territorial dispute by armed groups, such as drug trafficking in retail and militias.

This research intends to make an analysis of the Brazilian oil sector. How its composition is established,
how the oil industry affects economy, politics and society are the topics addressed in this research. The
object of this research is the study and investigation of the performance of the internal bourgeoisie as a
fraction of the dominant class within the oil industry, with particular emphasis on the Brazilian Oil
Exploration and Production (E & P) sector. The present study will focus on the analysis of this sector
during the period of the government of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), or the so called
neodevelopmentalist period. The hypothesis of this research is that during the neodevelopmentalist

period the interests of some fractions of the bourgeois class - which already claimed protection
measures by the State, without being responded - were contemplated through state intervention in the
economy as a form of protection, contributing to its growth and competitiveness within the E & P
market, this political reordering has contributed to the new strategic reconfiguration within the power
bloc. We emphasize the importance of social movements and civil society organizations that work on
platforms and campaigns, raising proposals on how the oil industry should be oriented to the benefit of
society in general, not just fractions, and highlighting the importance of strategic sectors to ensure
sovereignty and national independence vis-à-vis private and foreign capital.